Patron Saint

Nawddsant

Patron Saint

Fe ddaw'r darlun cyntaf a gawn o Ddewi fel arweinydd cenedlaethol o'r gerdd y soniwyd amdani eisoes sef 'Arymes Prydein Vawr', lle ceir portread ohono fel sant milwriaethus yn arwain y Celtiaid i fuddugoliaeth yn erbyn y Saeson gelyniaethus. Fe wnaeth y diweddar Syr Ifor Williams astudiaeth fanwl o'r gerdd hon ac ar sail tystiolaeth enwau lleoedd, mae'n sicr mai gwaith rhywun o'r De ydyw. Gall mai dyma'r rheswm paham y mae'n cynnwys cynifer o gyfeiriadau at Ddewi Sant heb son yr un gair am unrhyw sant arall. Er na ellir dyddio'r llawysgrif sy'n cynnwys y gerdd yn gynharach na'r drydedd ganrif ar ddeg, mae hi'n amlwg yn cynnwys elfennau yn perthyn i gyfnod cynharach. Cerdd broffwydol ('brud') yw hi, a'r bardd yn galw ar wŷr y Deheubarth. Cernyw, Llydaw a Strathclud, ynghyd a Daniaid Dulyn, i uno o dan faner Dewi: 'a human glan dewi a dyrchafant'. Credir bod y bardd o blaid gwrthwynebwyr Hywel Dda yn eu bwriad yn ceisio gwrthsefyll gallu'r brenin Seisnig. Os gwir yr awgrym gellir dyddio'r gerdd rhwng 927 a 931 pan oedd Aetheistan yn gwasgu'n drwm ar frenhinoedd y Gorllewin ac fe ystyrid Hywel Dda yn Hendy-gwyn mewn cynghrair ag fe. Ymddengys bod y gerdd yn awgrymu bod Dewi eisoes yn cael ei ystyried yn Nawddsant De Cymru, a'i faner, neu'n fynych ei greiriau, o bosibl, yn cael eu cludo ar flaen byddin mewn brwydr, i geisio ennill buddugoliaeth drwy hynny. Yn y cyswllt hwn, mae Dewi'n ymddangos fel ffigwr nodweddiadol o'r Cyfnod Arwrol Brythonig, yn debyg i Arthur, yn ymladd yn erbyn yr Eingl-Saeson ac yn sicrhau buddugoliaeth derfynol i'w ddilynwyr. Dyma'r ddelwedd ohono a wnaeth gymaint yn ddiweddarach i sicrhau bod Dewi'n dod i'r amlwg fel Nawddsant ac arweinydd cenedlaethol ledled Cymru. Cyn archwilio'r ffactorau a fu'n gyfrifol am hyn, maen werth nodi fod gennym dystiolaeth bendant fod creiriau Dewi yn cael eu cario i’r frwydr weithiau yn amser rhyfel. Yn 1326 fe ofynnwyd i drigolion Tyddewi gyd-ymdeithio gyda'r Esgob yn adeg rhyfel ac i gludo'r blwch lie cedwid creiriau Dewi Sant daith diwrnod allan o'r ddinas'.

The first picture we have of St. David as a patriotic leader comes from the poem already mentioned, Arymes Prydein Vawr’, where he is portrayed as a soldier-saint leading the Celts to victory against the hated English. The poem has been very carefully studied by the late Professor Sir Ifor Williams who is certain from the place name evidence contained in it that it is a work of South Wales origin. This is important as it may well be the reason why it contains several references to St. David while no other Celtic Saint is mentioned at all. Although the actual manuscript in which the poem occurs cannot be dated earlier than the thirteenth century, it clearly contains material belonging to an earlier period. It is written in a prophetic vein, with the poet calling on the men of South Wales, Brittany, Cornwall, and Strathclyde, together with the Danes of Dublin, to unite under the banner of David: ‘a lluman glan dewi a dyrchafant’ (and they shall raise the fair banner of Dewi). It is thought that this was in support of the party in South Wales which was seeking to resist the power of the English King, unlike the Quisling, Hywel Dda. If this suggestion is correct the poem can be dated between 927-931 when Aetheistan was exerting his power strongly against the Western Kings, while Hywel Dda in T‎ŷ-Gwyn-ar-Daf was considered to be in league with the English King. It would appear from this poem that St. David was already considered the Patron Saint of South Wales and the Saint whose banner, or it may often be his relics, were carried before men into battle, seeking thereby to achieve victory in the field over the enemy. In this context Dewi emerges as a typical figure of the British Heroic Age, like King Arthur, fighting the Anglo-Saxons and assuring his men of the ultimate victory of their arms. It was this image of Dewi that did much in later years to ensure his emergence as Patron Saint and national leader of both South and North Wales. Before proceeding to examine the many factors that helped to bring this about, it is worth noting that we have direct evidence that the actual relics of St. David himself were sometimes carried to battle in time of war. In 1326 the townspeople of St. David’s were requested to accompany the Bishop in wartime and to convey the feretory containing Holy David’s relics for one day’s journey out of the city’.

Er mwyn deall y datblygiadau a oedd i gyfrif yn bennaf fod Dewi wedi ennui rhagoriaeth fel Nawddsant Cymru gyfan, rhaid edrych ar bolisi cyffredinol y Normaniaid tuag at yr Eglwys Geltaidd fel yr oedd hi yng Nghymru yn gynnar yn yr unfed ganrif ar ddeg. Doedd gan esgobaethau'r eglwysi cadeiriol ddim ffiniau daearyddol pendant. Roedd eu hesgobion o ran traddodiad yn esgobion llwythol a'u cadeiriau yn agos at ganolfannau'r llwythau. 'Roedd gan yr esgobion llai i’w wneud a materion gweinyddol a threulient y than fwyaf o'u hamser yn cynnal gwasanaethau’r eglwys. Eto, yr oedd cnewyllyn y pedair esgobaeth Gymreig wedi ymddangos cyn y Concwest Normanaidd, wedi ei seilio nid ar y patrwm Celtaidd ond ar y patrwm Lladin neu gyfandirol cyfarwydd a geid hefyd yn Lloegr. Ac eto, pan gyrhaeddodd y Normaniaid yr oedd gan bob un o’r esgobaethau Cymreig (a oedd erbyn hyn o fewn ffiniau daearyddol fwy neu lai) esgob Celtaidd yn ben arni. Felly, o safbwynt y Norman, rhaid oedd sicrhau rheolaeth ar etholiadau esgobion y dyfodol yng Nghymru, a gweld eu bod yn ufudd i Gaergaint. Erbyn dechrau'r ddeuddegfed ganrif yr oedd y Norman wedi treiddio i Dde a Gorllewin Cymru, a’i afael ar y tiroedd brasaf yn sicr. Yn y de-orllewin peli yr oedd patria neu parochia Dewi, ysbail o’r pwysigrwydd mwyaf ac yn hawdd ei chipio gan rym milwrol. Yn 1115 felly roedd Harri'r Cyntaf yn medru sefydlu clerigwr o Norman, Bernard, yno fel Esgob Tyddewi, wedi ei ordeinio gan Archesgob Caergaint y cyfnod.

In order to understand the developments that were mainly responsible for David’s winning for himself an undisputed place as the Patron Saint for the whole of Wales, it is necessary to examine the overall policy of the Normans towards the Celtic Church as they found it in Wales in the early eleventh century. The cathedrals had no clearly defined dioceses attached to them in the territorial sense - their bishops were in origin tribal bishops and their seats close to the tribal centres. The bishops, too, were less concerned with administrative matters and gave most of their time to conducting the religious offices of the Church. Yet, before the Norman Conquest the four Welsh dioceses had appeared in embryo, as it were, based not on the Celtic, but on the familiar Latin or continental pattern - doubtless in imitation of their English counterparts. Nevertheless, when the Normans arrived each Welsh diocese (now on a rough territorial basis) had a Celtic bishop at its head. Thus, from the Norman point of view it became essential to secure control over the election of bishops in future in Wales, and particularly to see that they would be subservient to Canterbury. By the beginning of the twelfth century the Norman barons had penetrated into South and West Wales and the richest lands were securely held. In the extreme south-west was located the patria or parochia of Dewi, clearly a prize of the greatest importance, which proved easy to obtain from the military point of view. In 1115, therefore, Henry I was able to install a Norman cleric, Bernard, as Bishop of St. David’s and he was duly consecrated by the reigning Archbishop of Canterbury.

Ond nid dyma ddiwedd y stori. Os bu Tyddewi’n hawdd ei gipio nid oedd mor hawdd dal gafael arno. Yn ddiweddarach yn y ddeuddegfed ganrif fe gododd gwrthwynebiad cryf ymhlith y Cymry i’r ymdreiddio hwn. Roedd hyn yn amlwg iawn yng Ngwynedd a oedd yr adeg honno o dan awdurdod Owain Gwynedd, gŵr galluog a nerthol a oedd wedi gwrthod esgob Normanaidd a apwyntiwyd i Fangor, ac wedi mynnu mai yn ei law ef yr oedd y dewis. Ymhellach i’r dwyrain yr oedd esgobaeth Llanelwy yn wag yr adeg yma, a bun rhaid i'r Normaniaid apwyntio un o'u pobi hwythau ar frys gwyllt i geisio osgoi rhagor o drafferthion. Yn y cyfamser, yn ne-ddwyrain Cymru, fe sicrhawyd dylanwad y Norman yn Llandaf, fel y gellid disgwyl, gan fod yr ardal ar drugaredd y Norman o’r dwyrain. Yn y rhanbarth yma fe apwyntiwyd Urban, esgob Normanaidd Llandaf, yn Esgob Morgannwg i gychwyn, ffaith a oedd yn adlewyrchu’r sefyllfa hanesyddol-ddaearyddol ar y pryd. Er hynny, fe barhâi Tyddewi'n broblem. Ond mae'n bwysig cofio i'r Esgob Bernard, ar ôl iddo gyrraedd, dyfu'n fwy ymwybodol o’r hawliau hanesyddol a wnaed gan ei siapter a'r offeiriaid o Gymry o'i gwmpas yng1n a statws honedig Tyddewi gynt fel archesgobaeth annibynnol, a phenderfynu mynd â'r achos i Rufain i frwydro drosto. 'Roedd Owain Gwynedd a’i frawd yn y Gogledd yn ddigon llygatgraff i weld posibiliadau gwerthfawr iddynt hwythau o gael archesgob gwladol yng Nghymru yn annibynnol ar Gaergaint, a'i ganolfan yn Nhyddewi. Rhoesant gefnogaeth gref i hawliau’r Esgob Bernard. Dyma Gymru gyfan felly yn cydweithio, ac yn barod i gydnabod blaenoriaeth Tyddewi. Fe olygai hyn fod statws yr eglwys gadeiriol fawr a bri Dewi Sant bron yn anwahanadwy. Ym meddwl llawer yr oedd y cyfan a olygai goruchafiaeth Dewi Sant yn Llanddewibrefi ar fin cael ei wireddu. Ond boed hynny fel y bo, fe fanteisiodd y Normaniaid ar y sefyllfa eglwysig-boliticaidd yng Nghymru i gryfhau eu gafael nid yn unig wrth ymwneud â'r brenin ond hefyd wrth ymwneud a gallu cynyddol Caergaint. Er i ymdrechion Bernard fethu, roedd bri a dylanwad Dewi wedi lledu allan o'r ardal lie cychwynnodd yn ne-orllewin Dyfed a'u taenu drwy Gymru benbaladr. Fe ellid yn awr gydnabod hawl gyfiawn Dewi 1w alwn Nawddsant Cymru gyfan.

This, however, was not the end of the story. If St. David’s proved easy to conquer, it proved difficult to hold. Later in the twelfth century there grew up a strong resistance among the Welsh to Norman infiltration. It was particularly marked in Gwynedd which was then under the control of the able and powerful Owain Gwynedd, who had rejected a Norman bishop appointed to Bangor and insisted that his successor should be a person of his own choice. Further to the eastwards, the bishopric of St. Asaph was vacant at this time and the Normans were forced to make a somewhat hasty appointment of one of their men in order to try to avoid further trouble. Meanwhile, in south-eastern Wales Llandaf came more securely under Norman influence, as was to be expected in an area that lay wide open to Norman conquest from the east. In this area the Norman Bishop Urban of Llandaf was first of all appointed Bishop of Glamorgan, which in many ways reflects the historical-geographical situation at the time. Nevertheless, St. David’s remained a problem. It is, however, extremely important to note that after his arrival Bishop Bernard became increasingly impressed by the historical claims made by his Chapter and the Welsh clergy around him concerning the supposed former status of St. David’s as an independent Archbishopric, and he decided to pursue these claims in Rome. Owain Gwynedd and his brother in the North were not slow to see the potential value to themselves of a Metropolitan Archbishop in Wales independent of Canterbury and located at St. David’s. They were strongly in support of Bishop Bernard’s claims. Here, then, was the whole of Wales working together, and prepared to accept the primacy of St. David’s. All this implied that the status of the great cathedral and the fame of St. David had become almost inseparable. In the minds of many, all that had been envisaged in David’s triumph at Llanddewibrefi was about to come to pass. However this may be, the ecclesiastical-political situation in Wales enabled the Norman Bishops to play a strong hand in their dealings not only with the King but also with the ever-increasing power of Canterbury. Although failure attended Bishop Bernard’s efforts, the prestige and the cult of the founder of his Cathedral had spread far and wide from its original area of characterisation in south-western Dyfed to cover the whole of Wales. David could now justifiably be claimed as the Patron Saint of all Wales.

Newydd ddechrau yr oedd yr ymryson i gadw statws annibynnol Tyddewi. Yn ddiweddarach, fe barhaodd Giraldus Cambrensis (Gerallt Gymro), nai i'r esgob a olynodd Bernard, i ddadlau dros annibyniaeth Tyddewi ar Esgobaeth Caergaint o flaen y Pab mawr Innocent III (1198-1216). Hwn oedd y Pab mwyaf, fe ddichon, eistedd ar orseddfainc Pedr erioed. Fe aeth Gerallt ar deithiau niferus ac anodd dros yr Alpau i gyflwyno achos Tyddewi gerbron y Pab ei hun. Yn hyn fe enillodd nid yn unig ddiddordeb effro ond hefyd gefnogaeth drylwyr Llywelyn ab Iorwerth (Llywelyn Fawr), Tywysog Gwynedd. Fe wrandawodd y Pab yn astud, ac yn wir 'roedd Gerallt yn  yr wrth ei fodd, ond dadleuodd yn gryf (fel y gallasid disgwyl) na allai gael dim yn archifau’r Babaeth i brofi i Dyddewi erioed fod yn annibynnol ar Gaergaint, nac yn archesgobaeth nac ychwaith iddi ddatblygu statws metropolitan. Ymhen dwy ganrif arall, fe atgyfododd Owain G1yn6'r a’i gynghorwyr y syniad o wneud Cymru gyfan yn rhanbarth annibynnol ar yr eglwys ym Mhrydain, gyda’i harchesgob ei hun a chanddo statws metropolitan. Ond nid felly y bu. Rhaid i ni aros tan 1920 (ar ôl datgysylltu a dadwaddoli'r Eglwys yng Nghymru) i'n gwlad gael ei harchesgob ei hun. Efallai y gwelir, ryw ddydd, sefydlu'r archesgobaeth yn barhaol yn Nhyddewi.

The struggle for the independent status of St. David’s had only just begun. Later it was Giraldus Cambrensis (Gerald of Wales), nephew of David Fitzgerald (Bernard’s successor at St. David’s), who was to continue to argue the independence of St. David’s from the See of Canterbury before the great Pope Innocent III (1198-1216). Gerald made several long and difficult journeys across the Alps to put the case for St. David’s before the Pope in person. Throughout he obtained not only the lively interest but also the fullest support of Llywelyn ab Iorwerth (Llywelyn the Great), Prince of Gwynedd. Innocent listened attentively and, indeed, greatly admired Gerald as a person but argued strongly (as might be expected) that he could find nothing in the archives of the Papal See to show that St. David’s had ever been independent of Canterbury or been an Archbishopric or attained Metropolitan status. Two centuries later, Owain Glyndŵr and his advisers seriously revived the project of making the whole of Wales an independent Province of the Church in Britain with an Archbishop who would have Metropolitan status. But it was not to be, and we had to wait until 1920, following upon the disestablishment and disendowment of the Church in Wales, for our country to have its own Archbishop - whose Archbishopric may yet, some day, be permanently established at St. David’s.

Cyn i ni fynd ymlaen i ystyried Dewi fel nawddsant yn y byd sydd ohoni, hynny yw, wedi'r Dadeni a'r Diwygiad Protestannaidd, mae’n werth myfyrio am foment dros y sefyllfa yng Nghymru Glyndŵr, a'i ymgais ef i ddatrys un o broblemau mwyaf anodd Cymru, sef sut i gyfuno gwladgarwch a gweinyddiaeth gwlad. Golygai hynny glymu'r ymwybyddiaeth genedlaethol wrth dir a daear Cymru. Fe welsom sut y daeth Dewi yn Nawddsant Cymru a'i eglwys gadeiriol wedi ei gosod gan hanes o'r naill ochr mewn cornel anghysbell. 'Roedd Glyndwr yn ymwybodol o hyn a dymunai weld Cymru'n cael archesgob yn Nhyddewi gyda statws metropolitan yn annibynnol ar Eglwys Loegr. Yr anhawster oedd cyfuno hyn â'r wladwriaeth Gymreig a oedd newydd ei sefydlu. Byddai’n rhaid iddi, os oedd gweithredu yn effeithiol, gael Senedd sefydlog mewn prifddinas a fyddai'n gartref i sefydliadau cenedlaethol eraill. Fe alwodd Glyndŵr, lawer gwaith, senedd Gymreig yn cynrychioli Cymru gyfan ond fe gyfarfu'r senedd hon mewn gwahanol leoedd - Machynlleth, Dolgellau, Harlech a Phennal. Yn yr un modd, fe ddychmygodd brifysgol i Gymru gydag un coleg yn gwasanaethu'r Gogledd a'r llall y De, ond ‘doedd dim un ganolfan lle y gallai grynhoi'r rhain i gyd, gan gynnwys ynddi, yn ddelfrydol, eglwys gadeiriol genedlaethol ar enw Dewi, y Nawddsant. Ar ystlysau gorllewinol Pumlumon y mae canol daearyddol Cymru, ac ni allasai unrhyw arweinydd, pa mor nerthol bynnag y byddai, sefydlu Canberra ganoloesol, fel petai, ar y safle hwn. Felly, pan fachludodd haul Glyndŵr, ychydig iawn o gynnydd a gaed.

Before we proceed to consider St. David as a Patron Saint in the modern world, that is in the post-Renaissance, post-Reformation world, it is worth reflecting for a moment on the situation in the days of Owain Glyndŵr, who attempted to solve the most difficult of all Welsh problems wherein national feeling could be united with statecraft. This would involve relating national consciousness to the Welsh terrain. St. David, as we have shown, had become the Patron Saint of the whole of Wales with his Cathedral asymmetrically placed in the course of history in one remote corner. Glyndŵr fully recognised this and wished Wales to have an Archbishop at St. David’s with Metropolitan status independent of the English Church. The difficulty was to integrate this with a newly established Welsh state which, to be efficient, must have a permanent parliament in a capital city where also other national institutions could be established. Glyndŵr called a Welsh parliament on several occasions which was representative of all areas of Wales, but these parliaments met in different places. Machynlleth, Dolgellau, Harlech and Pennal. Likewise. he envisaged a university for Wales with one college to serve the North and another the South, but there was no centre where he could place all these together including, ideally, a national cathedral dedicated to St. David, the Patron Saint. The real geographical centre of Wales is on the western flanks of Pumlumon and no leader, however powerful, could have established a kind of medieval Canberra on this site. Thus, when the military aspect of the Glyndŵr movement collapsed, things in Wales remained very much the same.

Dim ond pan ddown ni at yr unfed ganrif ar bymtheg y gwelwn ni newidiadau chwyldroadol yn digwydd, sef yr hyn a adwaenwn ni heddiw wrth y termau Dadeni a Diwygiad Protestannaidd. Roedd hon yn adeg o argyfwng i gwlt Dewi Sant a'i draddodiad hir. Drwy gydol yr Oesoedd Canol bur beirdd yn canu ei glod, gan bwysleisio ei fywyd sanctaidd, ei fynych wyrthiau a’i arweiniad mewn brwydr. Cyplyswyd yr olaf â'r traddodiad brud a drosglwyddwyd o’r Oesoedd Arwrol, yn darogan y fuddugoliaeth oedd ar ddod i'r Cymry yn erbyn y Saeson. Er nad yw hyn yn ychwanegu dim at ein gwybodaeth hanesyddol am Ddewi, eto i gyd, fe ychwanegai at ei hawl diwrthwynebiad i gael ei gydnabod yn Nawddsant Cymru.

It is only when we come to the sixteenth century that revolutionary changes take place - changes we know today as the Renaissance and the Reformation. This was a period of crisis for the cult of Dewi Sant and its long tradition. Throughout the Middle Ages the Welsh poets sang the praises of David emphasising his holy life, his many miracles and his leadership in battle. The latter was coupled with the prophetic tradition handed on from the Heroic Age which foretold the coming victory of the Welsh over the English in battle. While all this did not add anything to the story of the St. David of history, it was important in building up his unchallenged claim to be considered the Patron Saint of Wales.

Fe daflodd y Dadeni ar Ddiwygiad eu cysgodion i wahanol gyfeiriadau dros y traddodiadau am Ddewi Sant. Er enghraifft, credai llawer o Gymry a ddilynodd Harri Tudur i Faes Bosworth, ac oddi yno i Lundain, fod proffwydoliaethau’r hen feirdd wedi cael eu gwireddu. Dyma dywysog Cymreig yn eistedd ar orsedd Lloegr yn ôl y darogan. Oni threchwyd y Saeson ar Faes Bosworth? Dyma gyrraedd uchafbwynt eu huchelgais a pha beth oedd yn ôl ond dathlu’r achlysur ac elwa ar y fuddugoliaeth?

The Reformation and the Renaissance cast their shadows in different directions on the traditions concerning David. Many Welshmen, for example, who had followed Henry Tudor to Bosworth and afterwards to London believed that the prophecy of the bards of old had come true - here was a Welsh Prince seated on the throne of England as had been foretold: and were not the English overcome on Bosworth Field? The climax had been achieved and what more was to be done than reap the fruits of victory?

Fe wnaeth Harri Tudur lawer dros y traddodiadau Cymreig yn y llys brenhinol. Dywedir iddo neilltuo cronfeydd i helpu rhai o'i ffrindiau Cymreig niferus i ddathlu dydd Giy1 Dewi gyda rhwysg. Ac onid oedd Shakespeare yntau yn ymwybodol o’r gwladgarwch Cymreig hwn yn y llys? Dyma sut y brasgamodd Dewi allan o’r Oesoedd Canol, can wisgo’i genhinen ar ddydd Gwy1 Dewi - y cyntaf o Fawrth (ar y dydd hwnnw y bu'r Sant farw yn ôl Rhigyfarch, er nad oes sicrwydd pa flwyddyn). Mae'r dyfnyniad enwog o Henry V gan Shakespeare yn dweud y cyfan: mae'r gwlatgarwr Fluellen (Llywelyn) yn annerch y brenin: Ac 'rwy'n credu nad yw eich Mawrhydi yn ei thybio'n drais wisgo’r genhinen ar ddydd Gŵyl Dewi'. Mae'n rhaid i ni wrth gwrs roi trwydded bardd i Shakespeare yn y ddrama hon. Harri'r Pumed yw’r brenin yn y dyfyniad hwn, ond mae’n amlwg mai awyrgylch digamsyniol Cymreig llys y brenin buddugol o linach y Tuduriaid (Harri'r Seithfed) ar ôl iddo esgyn 1w orsedd oedd gan y bardd yn ei feddwl. 'Does dim tystiolaeth ar glawr am y cysylltiad rhwng Dewi Sant a'r genhinen yn yr hen amser nac yn wir yn yr Oesoedd Canol. Mae'n debyg i hyn ddatblygu yng nghyfnod y Dadeni, er bod rhai ysgrifenwyr diweddarach (megis Iolo Morgannwg) yn honni ei fod yn deillio o'r buddugoliaethau enwog lie bu'r Cymry ar y blaen, megis ym Mrwydr Creci, ar faes lle tyfai cennin'.

Henry Tudor did much to carry Welsh traditions into the Royal Court. He is said to have put funds aside to help some of his many Welsh friends to celebrate St. David’s Day at Court in style. And was not Shakespeare, too, fully conscious of this Welsh patriotism in court circles? So it was that St. Tavy (St. David) emerged from the Middle Ages complete with his leek on St. David’s Day - March 1st (the day of the Saint’s death according to Rhigyfarch. though there remains much uncertainty regarding the actual year in which this took place). The famous quotation from Shakespeare’s Henry V says it all. The Welsh patriot Fluellen addresses the King: And I do believe that your Majesty takes no scorn to wear the leek upon St. Tavy’s Day’. We must allow Shakespeare some poetic licence in the play as this remark is addressed to King Henry V. whereas it is obvious that what Shakespeare had in mind was the unmistakable Welsh atmosphere with which the victorious first Tudor monarch (Henry VII) had surrounded his court on ascending the throne. We have no evidence of the leek being associated with St. David in antiquity or, indeed, in the Middle Ages. It appears to emerge in Renaissance times, although some writers at a later date, with unbounded imagination (like Iolo Morganwg), claim that it was connected with outstanding victories where the Welsh distinguished themselves, as at the battle of Cressy which took place in a field of leeks’.

'Roedd yn anodd I Brotestaniaid tanbaid y Diwygiad gymeradwyo bywyd sanctaidd Dewi o fewn y gorlan Babyddol (fel y tybid). Yn wir, yr oedd y Diwygwyr Protestannaidd yn ffieiddio cwlt y Seintiau (gan gynnwys un Dewi), a'r beddrodau a'r creiriau a'r pererindodau yn arbennig, a dirmygent ofergoelion Pabyddol a'r pardynau ffug a gynigid i’r anwybodus. 'Roedd agwedd Barlow, esgob enwog Tyddewi (1536-47), yn nodedig o chwyrn yn hyn o beth, a'i fryd ar ddifetha pob arlliw Pabyddol. Ond yn arwyddocaol lawn, yn ystod yr holi cythrwfl, arbedwyd delw Dewi. Fe wnaeth pob llywodraeth Brotestannaidd yn ei thro yn siŵr fod y pererindota yn dod i ben, a gallesid disgwyl y byddai cwlt Dewi Sant wedi dod i ben yn sydyn, ond nid felly y bu. Drwy ddehongliad cywrain, ond sicr ci sail, o hanes yr Eglwys, fe adferwyd yr Eglwys Geltaidd (eglwys Dewi Sant yn ystod ei fywyd) drwy edrych arm fel math o eglwys Gristnogol Gynnar yn y Gorllewin, eglwys a oedd yn bod yng Nghymru ymhell cyn i Eglwys Rufain ddod i'r parthau hyn drwy Gaer-gaint. Felly fe syniwyd am Eglwys Geltaidd Dewi Sant fel cangen ifanc gynnar, yn tarddu o'r eglwys Gristnogol gyntefig yn y Dwyrain. Ac felly. 'doedd ynddi ddim o'r llygredigaethau a'r ofergoel a grynhodd o gwmpas Eglwys Rufain yn ddiweddarach. Felly gellid dadlau nad oedd Dewi Sant wedi ci lychwino gan ddylanwadau Pabyddol, ac iddo fyw bywyd syml mynach Celtaidd a wasanaethodd Grist yn unig fel meistr. Coleddai Dr. Richard Davies, esgob Tuduraidd hyglod Tyddewi, y syniadau hyn ac fe ledaenwyd y gred yn ddiwyd ymhlith diwinyddion a haneswyr Protestannaidd ymheli ymlaen i'r ddeunawfed ganrif yng Nghymru. Felly, bu fyw cwlt Dewi Sant, yn gymeradwy gan eglwyswyr ac ymneilltuwyr.

It was difficult for the ardent Protestants of the Reformation period to approve of David’s holy life within (as they thought) the Roman Catholic fold. Indeed, the Protestant Reformers looked with horror on the cult of the Saints, David included, and especially on shrines, relics and pilgrimages, and showed complete contempt for Popish superstitions and deceitful pardons offered to the ignorant. The famous Bishop Barlow of St. David’s (1536-47) assumed an extremely violent attitude in these matters, destroying all evidences of Popish survivals. Significantly, however, in this upheaval the statue of St. David was spared. Protestant governments in turn saw to it that pilgrimages came to an abrupt end and one would have expected as a result that the cult of St. David would fast disappear - but this was not the case. By an ingenious, though well based, interpretation of church history the Protestant Reformers rehabilitated the Celtic Church (the church of St. David in his lifetime) by looking upon it as a kind of Early Christian Church in the West - a church that was to be found in Wales long before the Church of Rome came to these parts via Canterbury. In this way, the Celtic Church of St. David was looked upon as youthful, deriving directly from the primitive Christian Church of the East. Consequently, it was free from the corruptions and superstitions that gathered around the Roman Church in later times. So it could be maintained that St. David was untainted by Popish influences and lived the life of a simple Celtic monk who served Christ alone as his Master. The great Tudor Bishop of St. David’s, Richard Davies, held these views and the idea was strongly canvassed among Protestant theologians and historians well into the eighteenth century in Wales. In this way the cult of St. David lived on, acceptable to churchmen and nonconformists alike.

Rhaid i ni'n awr droi yn ôl ac ystyried canlyniad pwysig arall i bolisi'r Tuduriaid. Fe symbylodd buddugoliaeth Harri'r Seithfed ar Faes Bosworth, a'r haelioni a ddangoswyd ganddo i'w gydwladwyr, lawer o Gymry i ymfudo i 'w lys, ac eraill Pr brifddinas, i geisio gwneud eu ffortiwn ym myd busnes, gwleidyddiaeth ar Eglwys. Yn ystod y canrifoedd ar ôl hynny fe gynyddodd nifer Cymry Llundain yn ddirfawr, ac fe allai Rawer ohonynt olrhain eu hachau yn ôl i gyfnod y Tuduriaid. Yn ystod y ddeunawfed ganrif, yn enwedig. Cymry o’r teip hwn yn Llundain oedd yn gyfrifol i raddau helaeth fod cwlt y Nawddsant yn blodeuo o'r newydd, er mai yn Lloegr, ac nid yng Nghymru, y bu hyn! Roedd y gwŷr hyn yn wladgarwyr pybyr ac yn edmygu Cymru a’i gorffennol yn fawr iawn.

We must now retrace our steps and consider another important sequel of Tudor policy. Henry VIl’s victory at Bosworth and the benevolence he showed to his fellow countrymen in London encouraged, as we have seen, large numbers of Welshmen to emigrate to his Court and others to the capital city to seek their fortunes in business, politics and the Church. In the following centuries the number of London Welshmen grew enormously, many of whom could trace their ancestry to Tudor times. In the eighteenth century, in particular, Welshmen of this type in London were very largely responsible for seeing to it that the cult of the Patron Saint flourished anew - albeit in England rather than in Wales. These men were intensely patriotic and greatly admired Wales and its past.

Roedd y bywyd a'r diwylliant Cymreig a gronnai yn Llundain yn adlewyrchu'r ffaith nad oedd gan Gymru'r adeg honno na thref fawr na phrifddinas lie y gallai aelodau o'r teulu brenhinol fyw: ei bod yn wlad nad oedd ganddi na phrifysgol nac academi lenyddol na chanolfan i'r celfyddydau y gallai gwladgarwch Cymreig grisialu o'u cwmpas. Yn Liundain yn unig y ceid digon o Gymry pybyr a'r cyfoeth a'r tueddfryd ganddynt i gynnal cymdeithasau gwladgarol llewyrchus. Yn wir, yrroedd Cymry Liundain, a llawer o feirdd dawnus a llenorion yn eu plith, yn egnïol ac yn fywiog yn chwarter olaf y ddeunawfed ganrif a dechrau'r bedwaredd ar bymtheg. Fe flagurodd pedair cymdeithas ddiddorol a phwysig yn y cyfnod hwn. Yn 1751 fe sefydlwyd Anrhydeddus Gymdeithas y Cymmrodoriom yn 1771 y Gwyneddigion: yn 1790 y Caradocian: ac yn 1795 y Cymreigyddion.

This concentration of Welsh life and culture in London is a reflection of the fact that the Principality at this time lacked any large town or any capital city where representatives of the Royal House could live - a country where there was no university, no literary academy or centre for the arts around which a sense of Welsh patriotism could crystallise - it was only in London where there were to be found sufficient ardent Welshmen who possessed the wealth and inclination to maintain splendid patriotic Societies. Indeed, the London Welsh, many of whom were gifted poets and littérateurs, were exceptionally vigorous and active in the last quarter of the eighteenth century and the early years of the nineteenth. Four very interesting and important London Welsh Societies had their origin in this period. The year 1751 saw the establishment of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion; 1771 the Gwyneddigion; 1790 the Caradocian: and 1795 the Cymreigyddion.

Byddai’r cymdeithasau hyn yn anrhydeddu’r Nawddsant gyda brwdfrydedd gwladgarol. Un aelod blaenllaw a diddorol o’r Gwyneddigion oedd Dafydd Samwell (Dafydd Ddu Feddyg. 1751-98). Ef oedd y prif feddyg ar fwrdd llong yr enwog Gapten James Cook yn ystod ei drydedd daith arloesol i Foroedd y De. Ar Ddydd G’i Dewi 1777, tra ‘roeddent yn hwylio rywle rhwng Seland Newydd a Tahiti, cofiodd Dafydd Samwell am ei ffrindiau a fyddai’n dathlu deng mil o filltiroedd i ffwrdd yn Llundain, a chyfansoddodd gerdd wych Yn cyfarch Gwyl Ddafydd, gwiw ddefod'.

These Societies had an intense patriotic regard for the Patron Saint. One interesting and prominent member of the Gwyneddigion was Dafydd Samwell (Dafydd Ddu Feddyg, 1751-98). He was chief surgeon to the famous Captain James Cook on his third voyage of discovery to the South Seas. On St. David’s Day 1777, when they were somewhere between New Zealand and Tahiti. Samwell thought of his friends celebrating the occasion ten thousand miles away in London, and he wrote a fine poem in honour of the day.

Yn ystod y bedwaredd ganrif ar bymtheg fe welwyd newid mawr ym maint a dosbarthiad y boblogaeth ym Mhrydain, yn sgil y Chwyldro Diwydiannol. Bu cynnydd cyflym ym mhoblogaeth meysydd glo'r De a'r Gogledd, a'r bobl yn dylifo yno o'r ardaloedd gwledig cylchynol i raddau, ond yn fwyaf arbennig o weddill Prydain. Mewnfudwyr nad adwaenent mo Ddewi Sant oedd mwyafrif mawr y boblogaeth. 'Roedd bywyd yn anodd yn ystod hanner cyntaf y ganrif, a thlodi ac aflendid cymdeithasol yn rhemp. Fe ddaeth gwellhad buan yn sgil Deddf Addysg Foster (1870) a geisiai roi addysg elfennol i bob plentyn. A'r hyn 'roedd pobl yr wythdegau yn dechrau'i sylweddoli oedd bod byd newydd ar wawrio yn gymdeithasol ac yn boliticaidd. 'Roedd oes yr hen deuluoedd bonheddig, ceidwadol eu hagwedd ac eiddigeddus o'u pŵer, yn dirwyn i ben gan bwyll, a byd cenhedlaeth newydd o arweinwyr, Tom Ellis, Lloyd George ac 0. M. Edwards, ar y gorwel. Pobi yn edrych i'r dyfodol oedd y rhain yn symbylu twf cenedlaethol, ffyniant a llwyddiant na welwyd mo'i fath er dyddiau' r Tuduriaid.

'Roedd cysylltiad amlwg a chlos rhwng yr ymwybyddiaeth genedlaethol yng Nghymru a thwf system addysg gyhoeddus. Fe ddilynwyd Deddf Foster gan y Ddeddf Addysg Ganolraddol (1889) ac fe agorwyd ysgolion canol ym mhob rhan o Gymru. 'Roedd y Brifysgol genedlaethol yn dechrau blodeuo, gyda cholegau o statws prifysgol yn Ne a Gogledd a Chanolbarth Cymru. Yn gysylltiedig â'r datblygiadau hyn oedd y ffaith fod gan Gymru fesur helaeth o ymreolaeth ym myd addysg. 'Roedd mwyafrif aelodau’r Bwrdd Canol Cymreig a sefydlwyd yn 1896 wedi bod yn aelodau awdurdodau addysg leol. Arolygai'r Bwrdd faterion yn ymwneud a maes llafur ac arho1iadaur ysgolion, ac 'roedd ganddo ei Arolygwyr ei hun. Yn 1906, fe sefydlwyd Adran Gymreig y Bwrdd Addysg, ac yn ogystal â deilio a materion gweinyddol 'roedd ganddi ei Harolygwyr ei hun mewn cysylltiad agos â'r ysgolion. Yr oedd hyn oil yn bwysig dros ben gan fod y maes llafur yn cynnwys dysgu hanes Cymru, ac yn ei sgi, yn gwbl naturiol, daeth hanes Dewi Sant a'r diwylliant Cymreig yn gyffredinol. Wrth weithredu'r polisi hwn 'roedd ysgolion Cymru yn ffodus iawn o gael yn Brif Arolygydd (a benodwyd gan Adran Gymreig newydd y Bwrdd Addysg yn 1907) (Syr) Owen M. Edwards, yn enedigol o'r Bala ond pan benodwyd ef yn athro coleg yn Rhydychen. GaIlai O.M. ysbrydoli athrawon a phlant ac 'roedd ganddo ddawn ddihafal i gyfathrebu a phobl ifanc. Yn sgil awgrymiadau a wnaed ganddo ef neu aelodau o'i staff fe ddechreuwyd dathlu Giy1 Dewi yn holl ysgolion Cymru drwy gynnal diwrnod o wyliau a chael perfformiadau o ddramâu byrion yn portreadu bywyd Dewi Sant, ynghyd a chanu caneuon Cymraeg, cynnal eisteddfodau, areithiau ac adroddiadau, a the parti mawr i orffen. Byddai pawb, hen ac ifanc, yn gwisgo naill a’i genhinen neu ddaffodil yn eu cotiau neu eu capiau a byddai'r byrddau yn llawn tuswau o flodau daffodil. Yn eu tro âi plant o’r ysgolion cynradd a chanol i’r colegau hyfforddi athrawon a'r Brifysgol yn fyfyrwyr peniog a dod ymhen amser yn arweinwyr adnabyddus yn y bywyd Cymreig, yn feirdd o fri, ysgolheigion, haneswyr, eisteddfodwyr, athrawon, gweinidogion yr efengyl ac offeiriaid o’r radd flaenaf.

Gwelwyd y cynnydd yma yn yr ymwybyddiaeth genedlaethol tua diwedd y bedwaredd ganrif ar bymtheg ymhlith yr oedol ion yn ogystal â'r plant. Fe gododd nifer o gymdeithasau Cymraeg neu Gymmrodorion mewn llawer o drefi, o dan nawdd Dewi Sant. Fe ledodd y syniad i wledydd eraill lle'r oedd Cymry yn byw, naill a’i mewn rhannau eraill o Brydain neu yng Ngogledd neu Dde America, Awstralia neu Seland Newydd. Uchafbwynt gweithgareddau'r tymor i’r holl gymdeithasau hyn oedd cinio blynyddol Gŵyl Dewi, a phob gwestai yn gwisgo daffodil a'r byrddau'n cael eu hulio a thoreth o'r blodau cenedlaethol yn union fel y gwnaed yn ysgolion y plant yng Nghymru. Wedi'r pryd bwyd, yn cynnwys weithiau fwydydd Cymreig traddodiadol, fe eisteddai'r gwahoddedigion i wrando ar areithiau hir yn clodfori Dewi a phopeth Cymreig (gan gynnwys campau'r chwaraewyr rygbi Cymreig - y sbort genedlaethol). Rhwng yr areithiau cenid alawon gwerin a mathau eraill o gerddoriaeth a ystyrid yn addas. Tra'r oedd y cymdeithasau hyn yn naturiol yn rhoir flaenoriaeth i ddathlu Gŵyl Dewi, 'roedd gan lawer ohonynt raglen ddiddorol o ddarlithiau a gweithgareddau cymdeithasol, fynychaf yn Gymraeg.

Datblygiad diddorol yn y cyfnod hwn fel y gwelsom oedd i’r daffodil ennui y flaenoriaeth ar y genhinen fel arwydd cenedlaethol ar ddydd Giy1 Dewi. Nid yw'n hawdd esbonio sut y bu hyn ond gellid cynnig bod y daffodil yn tyfu ymhobman yng Nghymru a'i fod yn un o'r blodau mwyaf a disgleiriaf a dyf adeg yr Ŵyl. At hyn, mae'n ddeniadol ac yn lled aristocrataidd' ymhlith blodau ac felly'n well arwyddlun, ym meddwl llawer or Cymry, o'r gymdeithas fwy ffyniannus yn y Gymru gyfoes na'r llysieuyn cegin iselradd a'i blaenorodd, arwyddlun amlwg cymdeithas werinol. Bu'r newid hwn yn un naturiol bron, ond weithiau fe anwybyddwyd y ffaith mai'r enw Cymraeg ar y daffodil yw Cenhinen Pedr. Mae hyn braidd yn eironig o gofio nad Pedr oedd sefydlydd yr Eglwys Geltaidd, ond yn hytrach mai ef a sefydlodd yr eglwys a wrthododd gydnabod Dewi tan ryw chwe chanrif ar ôl iddo farw; a hyd yn oed wedi hyn, fe fu cysylltiad Dewi a hi yn annerbyniol -ân fwyafrif ei gydwladwyr wedi'r Diwygiad Protestannaidd.

Ni all fod unrhyw amheuaeth na ddaeth Dewi Sant i mewn i'w etifeddiaeth unwaith eto yn y brwdfrydedd mawr a enynnwyd gan yr ysbryd cenedlaethol yng Nghymru yn niwedd y ganrif ddiwethaf a dechrau hon. Dyna pryd y gosodwyd sylfeini gorchestion mawr a oedd dilyn blynyddoedd y rhyfel yn negawdau cynnar y ganrif newydd. Gwelwyd sefydlu mudiad egnïol yr ieuenctid, Yr Urdd', ac adfywiad trawiadol yr iaith Gymraeg, yr iaith, yn ôl pob tystiolaeth ddilys, a oedd ar dafod Dewi Sant ei hun.

The nineteenth century saw great changes in the number and distribution of population in Britain following upon the Industrial Revolution. The North and South Wales coalfields saw rapid increases in population derived in part from the surrounding rural areas, but, more particularly, from the rest of Britain. The vast majority of the population of Wales became composed of immigrants who knew not David. Things were difficult in the first half of the century, and poverty and social squalor were rife. A distinct improvement set in following Foster’s Education Act of 1870 which sought to provide an elementary education for all children. Not unrelated was the fact that in the 80s people were beginning to realise that a new world was breaking through both socially and politically. The age of the conservative-minded older families who belonged to the aristocracy and hitherto had monopolised the power, was slowly passing away and the world of a new generation of leaders, Tom Ellis, Lloyd George and O. M. Edwards, who were forward looking, was now emerging. Men of this type provided the spring-board for an age of national growth, drive and prosperity that was really unknown since the days of the Tudors.

There was clearly a close relationship between the new awareness of national identity in Wales and the growth of the public education system. The Foster Act was followed in 1889 by the passing of the Welsh Intermediate Education Act linked to the founding of publicly maintained secondary schools in every part of the Principality. In addition, the beginnings of a national University were becoming well established with the provision of three colleges of university Status in Mid, North and South Wales. All these developments were closely allied to the fact that Wales had a large measure of independence in educational matters. The Central Welsh Board was established in 1896, made up largely of members who had served on local education authorities. This Board looked at matters relating to the school syllabus and examinations and had its own school Inspectorate. In 1906 a separate Welsh Department of the Board of Education was established and this not only dealt with administrative matters but again had its own Inspectorate which was in direct contact with the schools. All this was extremely important as the syllabus in both primary and especially secondary schools provided for the teaching of the history of Wales and with it, naturally, came the story of St. David and Welsh culture generally. In the implementation of this policy the Welsh schools were particularly fortunate in having as Chief Inspector, appointed by the new Welsh Department of the Board of Education in 1907, (Sir) Owen M. Edwards - a native of Bala, but at the time of his appointment an Oxford don. ‘O. M., as he was known to all, had a strong personal appeal for staff and pupils alike and possessed a genius for communication with the young. Following suggestions made by him, or by members of his staff, St. David’s Day was celebrated in all schools on the first of March not only as a full day’s holiday but by the performance of a series of little plays dramatising scenes from the life of St. David, coupled with the singing of Welsh songs, eisteddfodau, speeches and long recitations, concluding usually with a mammoth tea party. Young and old alike wore a daffodil or a leek in their coats or in their caps and the tables would be laden with massive bunches of daffodils. It was these primary and secondary schools which in turn fed the Teacher Training Colleges and the University with able students who, later, became well-known leaders in Welsh life and included eminent poets, scholars, historians, eisteddfodwyr, teachers, ministers of religion and clergy of the highest rank.

This upsurge in national consciousness in the late nineteenth century expressed itself in the adult population as well as among the young. Local Welsh or Cymmrodorion Societies, carrying with them the patronage of St. David, grew up in many Welsh towns. The idea spread to other countries where Welsh people were found, whether in other parts of the British Isles or in North or South America, Australia or New Zealand. The highlight of the season for all these societies was the annual St. David’s Day Dinner where the guests would all wear daffodils and the tables would be decked with a massive display of the national emblem just as the children had in school in Wales. After the meal, which sometimes included traditional Welsh dishes, the guests sat and listened to long speeches eulogising St. David and all things Welsh (including the prowess of Welsh players at rugby football which was looked upon as the national sport). The speeches were interspersed with the singing of Welsh folk songs and other appropriate music. While these modern societies naturally concentrated their attention on St. David’s Day, many of them had, in addition, an interesting lecture and social programme, most often in Welsh.

An interesting development that took place during this period, as we have seen, was that the daffodil was gradually taking precedence over the leek as the national emblem on St. David’s Day. It is not easy to explain why this change took place but it could be argued that the daffodil grew all over Wales and was one of the largest and brightest spring flowers that bloomed around St. David’s Day. In addition, it seemed to possess an attractive and almost aristocratic appearance among flowers and was, in consequence, possibly more suited in the minds of many Welsh folk as a symbol of the increasingly prosperous and urbanised society in Wales at this time than the lowly kitchen vegetable that preceded it, which was clearly symbolic of a peasant society. The change-over seems to have taken place almost naturally but it has sometimes been overlooked that the Welsh name for the daffodil is Cenhinen Pedr (St. Peter’s leek). This is somewhat ironic as St. Peter is the Founder Saint not of the Celtic Church but of the church that did not recognise David until some six hundred years after he died, and even then his association with it later became unacceptable to the overwhelming majority of his fellow countrymen in post-Reformation times.

There can, however, be no doubt that St. David had come once more into his own in the great enthusiasm which accompanied the new awareness of national identity in Wales in late Victorian and Edwardian times. It was in this period that there were laid down the foundations on which even greater achievements were to follow after the war years in the early decades of the new century. These included the establishment of a vigorous national youth movement and the spectacular resurgence of the native language - the language which all the evidence we now possess indicates that Dewi Sant himself must have spoken.

'Roedd cysylltiad amlwg a chlos rhwng yr ymwybyddiaeth genedlaethol yng Nghymru a thwf system addysg gyhoeddus. Fe ddilynwyd Deddf Foster gan y Ddeddf Addysg Ganolraddol (1889) ac fe agorwyd ysgolion canol ym mhob rhan o Gymru. 'Roedd y Brifysgol genedlaethol yn dechrau blodeuo, gyda cholegau o statws prifysgol yn Ne a Gogledd a Chanolbarth Cymru. Yn gysylltiedig â'r datblygiadau hyn oedd y ffaith fod gan Gymru fesur helaeth o ymreolaeth ym myd addysg. 'Roedd mwyafrif aelodau’r Bwrdd Canol Cymreig a sefydlwyd yn 1896 wedi bod yn aelodau awdurdodau addysg leol. Arolygai'r Bwrdd faterion yn ymwneud a maes llafur ac arho1iadaur ysgolion, ac 'roedd ganddo ei Arolygwyr ei hun. Yn 1906, fe sefydlwyd Adran Gymreig y Bwrdd Addysg, ac yn ogystal â deilio a materion gweinyddol 'roedd ganddi ei Harolygwyr ei hun mewn cysylltiad agos â'r ysgolion. Yr oedd hyn oil yn bwysig dros ben gan fod y maes llafur yn cynnwys dysgu hanes Cymru, ac yn ei sgi, yn gwbl naturiol, daeth hanes Dewi Sant a'r diwylliant Cymreig yn gyffredinol. Wrth weithredu'r polisi hwn 'roedd ysgolion Cymru yn ffodus iawn o gael yn Brif Arolygydd (a benodwyd gan Adran Gymreig newydd y Bwrdd Addysg yn 1907) (Syr) Owen M. Edwards, yn enedigol o'r Bala ond pan benodwyd ef yn athro coleg yn Rhydychen. GaIlai O.M. ysbrydoli athrawon a phlant ac 'roedd ganddo ddawn ddihafal i gyfathrebu a phobl ifanc. Yn sgil awgrymiadau a wnaed ganddo ef neu aelodau o'i staff fe ddechreuwyd dathlu Giy1 Dewi yn holl ysgolion Cymru drwy gynnal diwrnod o wyliau a chael perfformiadau o ddramâu byrion yn portreadu bywyd Dewi Sant, ynghyd a chanu caneuon Cymraeg, cynnal eisteddfodau, areithiau ac adroddiadau, a the parti mawr i orffen. Byddai pawb, hen ac ifanc, yn gwisgo naill a’i genhinen neu ddaffodil yn eu cotiau neu eu capiau a byddai'r byrddau yn llawn tuswau o flodau daffodil. Yn eu tro âi plant o’r ysgolion cynradd a chanol i’r colegau hyfforddi athrawon a'r Brifysgol yn fyfyrwyr peniog a dod ymhen amser yn arweinwyr adnabyddus yn y bywyd Cymreig, yn feirdd o fri, ysgolheigion, haneswyr, eisteddfodwyr, athrawon, gweinidogion yr efengyl ac offeiriaid o’r radd flaenaf.

There was clearly a close relationship between the new awareness of national identity in Wales and the growth of the public education system. The Foster Act was followed in 1889 by the passing of the Welsh Intermediate Education Act linked to the founding of publicly maintained secondary schools in every part of the Principality. In addition, the beginnings of a national University were becoming well established with the provision of three colleges of university Status in Mid, North and South Wales. All these developments were closely allied to the fact that Wales had a large measure of independence in educational matters. The Central Welsh Board was established in 1896, made up largely of members who had served on local education authorities. This Board looked at matters relating to the school syllabus and examinations and had its own school Inspectorate. In 1906 a separate Welsh Department of the Board of Education was established and this not only dealt with administrative matters but again had its own Inspectorate which was in direct contact with the schools. All this was extremely important as the syllabus in both primary and especially secondary schools provided for the teaching of the history of Wales and with it, naturally, came the story of St. David and Welsh culture generally. In the implementation of this policy the Welsh schools were particularly fortunate in having as Chief Inspector, appointed by the new Welsh Department of the Board of Education in 1907, (Sir) Owen M. Edwards - a native of Bala, but at the time of his appointment an Oxford don. ‘O. M., as he was known to all, had a strong personal appeal for staff and pupils alike and possessed a genius for communication with the young. Following suggestions made by him, or by members of his staff, St. David’s Day was celebrated in all schools on the first of March not only as a full day’s holiday but by the performance of a series of little plays dramatising scenes from the life of St. David, coupled with the singing of Welsh songs, eisteddfodau, speeches and long recitations, concluding usually with a mammoth tea party. Young and old alike wore a daffodil or a leek in their coats or in their caps and the tables would be laden with massive bunches of daffodils. It was these primary and secondary schools which in turn fed the Teacher Training Colleges and the University with able students who, later, became well-known leaders in Welsh life and included eminent poets, scholars, historians, eisteddfodwyr, teachers, ministers of religion and clergy of the highest rank.

Gwelwyd y cynnydd yma yn yr ymwybyddiaeth genedlaethol tua diwedd y bedwaredd ganrif ar bymtheg ymhlith yr oedol ion yn ogystal â'r plant. Fe gododd nifer o gymdeithasau Cymraeg neu Gymmrodorion mewn llawer o drefi, o dan nawdd Dewi Sant. Fe ledodd y syniad i wledydd eraill lle'r oedd Cymry yn byw, naill a’i mewn rhannau eraill o Brydain neu yng Ngogledd neu Dde America, Awstralia neu Seland Newydd. Uchafbwynt gweithgareddau'r tymor i’r holl gymdeithasau hyn oedd cinio blynyddol Gŵyl Dewi, a phob gwestai yn gwisgo daffodil a'r byrddau'n cael eu hulio a thoreth o'r blodau cenedlaethol yn union fel y gwnaed yn ysgolion y plant yng Nghymru. Wedi'r pryd bwyd, yn cynnwys weithiau fwydydd Cymreig traddodiadol, fe eisteddai'r gwahoddedigion i wrando ar areithiau hir yn clodfori Dewi a phopeth Cymreig (gan gynnwys campau'r chwaraewyr rygbi Cymreig - y sbort genedlaethol). Rhwng yr areithiau cenid alawon gwerin a mathau eraill o gerddoriaeth a ystyrid yn addas. Tra'r oedd y cymdeithasau hyn yn naturiol yn rhoir flaenoriaeth i ddathlu Gŵyl Dewi, 'roedd gan lawer ohonynt raglen ddiddorol o ddarlithiau a gweithgareddau cymdeithasol, fynychaf yn Gymraeg.

This upsurge in national consciousness in the late nineteenth century expressed itself in the adult population as well as among the young. Local Welsh or Cymmrodorion Societies, carrying with them the patronage of St. David, grew up in many Welsh towns. The idea spread to other countries where Welsh people were found, whether in other parts of the British Isles or in North or South America, Australia or New Zealand. The highlight of the season for all these societies was the annual St. David’s Day Dinner where the guests would all wear daffodils and the tables would be decked with a massive display of the national emblem just as the children had in school in Wales. After the meal, which sometimes included traditional Welsh dishes, the guests sat and listened to long speeches eulogising St. David and all things Welsh (including the prowess of Welsh players at rugby football which was looked upon as the national sport). The speeches were interspersed with the singing of Welsh folk songs and other appropriate music. While these modern societies naturally concentrated their attention on St. David’s Day, many of them had, in addition, an interesting lecture and social programme, most often in Welsh.

Datblygiad diddorol yn y cyfnod hwn fel y gwelsom oedd i’r daffodil ennui y flaenoriaeth ar y genhinen fel arwydd cenedlaethol ar ddydd Giy1 Dewi. Nid yw'n hawdd esbonio sut y bu hyn ond gellid cynnig bod y daffodil yn tyfu ymhobman yng Nghymru a'i fod yn un o'r blodau mwyaf a disgleiriaf a dyf adeg yr Ŵyl. At hyn, mae'n ddeniadol ac yn lled aristocrataidd' ymhlith blodau ac felly'n well arwyddlun, ym meddwl llawer or Cymry, o'r gymdeithas fwy ffyniannus yn y Gymru gyfoes na'r llysieuyn cegin iselradd a'i blaenorodd, arwyddlun amlwg cymdeithas werinol. Bu'r newid hwn yn un naturiol bron, ond weithiau fe anwybyddwyd y ffaith mai'r enw Cymraeg ar y daffodil yw Cenhinen Pedr. Mae hyn braidd yn eironig o gofio nad Pedr oedd sefydlydd yr Eglwys Geltaidd, ond yn hytrach mai ef a sefydlodd yr eglwys a wrthododd gydnabod Dewi tan ryw chwe chanrif ar ôl iddo farw; a hyd yn oed wedi hyn, fe fu cysylltiad Dewi a hi yn annerbyniol -ân fwyafrif ei gydwladwyr wedi'r Diwygiad Protestannaidd.

An interesting development that took place during this period, as we have seen, was that the daffodil was gradually taking precedence over the leek as the national emblem on St. David’s Day. It is not easy to explain why this change took place but it could be argued that the daffodil grew all over Wales and was one of the largest and brightest spring flowers that bloomed around St. David’s Day. In addition, it seemed to possess an attractive and almost aristocratic appearance among flowers and was, in consequence, possibly more suited in the minds of many Welsh folk as a symbol of the increasingly prosperous and urbanised society in Wales at this time than the lowly kitchen vegetable that preceded it, which was clearly symbolic of a peasant society. The change-over seems to have taken place almost naturally but it has sometimes been overlooked that the Welsh name for the daffodil is Cenhinen Pedr (St. Peter’s leek). This is somewhat ironic as St. Peter is the Founder Saint not of the Celtic Church but of the church that did not recognise David until some six hundred years after he died, and even then his association with it later became unacceptable to the overwhelming majority of his fellow countrymen in post-Reformation times.

Ni all fod unrhyw amheuaeth na ddaeth Dewi Sant i mewn i'w etifeddiaeth unwaith eto yn y brwdfrydedd mawr a enynnwyd gan yr ysbryd cenedlaethol yng Nghymru yn niwedd y ganrif ddiwethaf a dechrau hon. Dyna pryd y gosodwyd sylfeini gorchestion mawr a oedd dilyn blynyddoedd y rhyfel yn negawdau cynnar y ganrif newydd. Gwelwyd sefydlu mudiad egnïol yr ieuenctid, Yr Urdd', ac adfywiad trawiadol yr iaith Gymraeg, yr iaith, yn ôl pob tystiolaeth ddilys, a oedd ar dafod Dewi Sant ei hun.

There can, however, be no doubt that St. David had come once more into his own in the great enthusiasm which accompanied the new awareness of national identity in Wales in late Victorian and Edwardian times. It was in this period that there were laid down the foundations on which even greater achievements were to follow after the war years in the early decades of the new century. These included the establishment of a vigorous national youth movement and the spectacular resurgence of the native language - the language which all the evidence we now possess indicates that Dewi Sant himself must have spoken.