Dewi Sant

Dewi Sant

Saint David

Cynefin

Llyfr yw hwn am Ddewi Sant, un o seintiau enwog y Celtiaid a Nawdd Sant Cymru, a oedd yn byw yn y chweched ganrif. Er gwaethaf ei fri, a’r traddodiadau cyfoethog amdano a rheiny’n ogoneddus hen, mae’n anodd Ilunio cofiant teilwng iddo fel y gwnaed i nifer o Gymry enwog y canrifoedd yn y gyfres hon. Gresyn hyn, oherwydd Dewi, ar lawer ystyr, yw noddwr y gyfres hon o Lyfrynnau a gyhoeddir er coffa amdano bob Gŵyl Dewi.

 

Homeland

This book is about Dewi Sant (St. David), a famous Celtic Saint and the Patron Saint of Wales who lived in the sixth century. We feel, however, that in spite of his eminence and the wealth of tradition concerning him which is grounded in a rich antiquity, it is difficult to write a satisfactory biographical account of him as has been done for so many other distinguished Welshmen throughout the ages in this series. This is particularly unfortunate as Dewi Sant is in many ways the patron of this series of booklets published in his honour every St. David's Day.

Y rheswm am hyn yw bod y defnyddiau sylfaenol cynharaf y gellir seilio hanes ei fywyd arnynt yn brin, ac mae'r hyn sy'n aros yn gwbl anfoddhaol o safbwynt yr hanesydd modern.

The reason for this is that the primary source material on which an account of his life could be based is limited, and such as exists is entirely unsatisfactory from the point of view of the modern historian.

Unig ffynhonnell ein gwybodaeth am Ddewi Sant yw cofiant Lladin Rhygyfarch iddo, y Vita Davidis a ysgrifennwyd mewn mynachlog Geltaidd yn Llanbadarn Fawr yng Ngheredigion tua’r flwyddyn 1095 - lawn bum can mlynedd yn ddiweddarach na'r cyfnod y tybir i Ddewi fyw ynddo. Mae'n wir fod yna hanesion cynnar eraill am Ddewi Sant. Y mwyaf diddorol o'r rhain yw Bywyd Dewi gan Gerallt Gymro (Giraldus Cambrensis 1147-1223) a Buchedd Dewi a gopïwyd yn 1346 gan ancr (neu feudwy) Llanddewibrefi yng nghanol Ceredigion. Ail-wampio gwaith Rhigyfarch a wnaeth Gerallt a thalfyriad o waith Rhigyfarch naill ai o’r gwreiddiol neu drefniant ohono yw llawysgrif yr ancr. O safbwynt yr hanesydd nid yw’r naill fersiwn na'r llall yn dweud dim newydd.

All we know about St. David comes from a single source, namely Rhigyfarch's Vita Davidis which was written in a Celtic monastery at Llanbadarn Fawr in Ceredigion about the year 1095 - that is fully 500 years after the Saint is supposed to have lived. It is true, however, that there are other early accounts of Dewi Sant, the most interesting of which are The Life of St. David by Giraldus Cambrensis (1147-1223), and the Life of St. David copied in 1346 by the anchorite (or hermit) of Llanddewibrefi in mid-Cardiganshire. Giraldus's work is merely a recension or revision of Rhigyfarch's and likewise the anchorite's manuscript is an abridgement of that of Rhigyfarch translated into Welsh, either from the original or from some recension of it. These abridgements and recensions tell us nothing new from the historical point of view.

Cyn i ni edrych yn feirniadol ar stori Rhigyfarch, byddai'n dda i ni daflu cipolwg brysiog ar rai o'r cyfeiriadau cynharaf at Ddewi cyn i Rigyfarch ysgrifennu ei waith. Daw tri ohonynt o Iwerddon; fe gredir mai'r cynharaf yw'r cyfeiriad ato yn y rhestr enwog Catalog Seintiau Iwerddon. Tybid i'r rhestr hon gael ei chasglu ynghyd tua o.c. 730, ond tuedda ymchwilwyr diweddar i briodoli dyddiad diweddarach iddo - yn y nawfed ganrif neu hyd yn oed yn gynnar yn y ddegfed. Ynddi fe ddywedir wrthym i fynaich Gwyddelig gael ffurfwasanaeth oddi wrth y seintiau o Gymru - Dewi, Gildas a Dochau (Docas). Tua'r un cyfnod ceir cyfeiriad at 'David Cille Muni' o dan Fawrth y cyntaf yn Gwyliadur Oengus y Culdee. Mae trydydd casgliad Gwyddelig Gwyliadur Tallaght yn rhestru Dydd Gŵyl Dewi o dan Fawrth y cyntaf. Fe gredir bod y gwaith hwn yn perthyn i ganol yr wythfed ganrif. Daw cyfeiriad arall cynnar at Ddewi oddi wrth fynach Llydewig o'r enw Gourmonoc yn Abaty Landévennec yn Llydaw, a ysgrifennodd Fuchedd Paul o Léon yn o.c. 884. Yn y gwaith hwn fe geir nifer o gyfeiriadau at Gymru a'r Seintiau Cymraeg. Dywed Gourmonoc, er enghraifft, fod Dewi yn ddisgybl i Sant Illtud yn Llanilltud Fawr, ond mae amheuaeth ynglŷn â hyn erbyn heddiw. Pwysicach yw'r cyfeiriad yn y gwaith hwn at gyfenwi Dewi yn 'Aquaticus' ('Dyfrwr') am ei fod yn byw yn gyfan gwbl ar fara a llysiau a dŵr.

Before we examine Rhigyfarch's story we should glance briefly at some of the earliest references to Dewi which are known to have been made before Rhigyfarch's work was written. Three come from Ireland; the earliest is thought to be the reference in the famous Catalogue of the Saints of Ireland. It was once thought that this catalogue was compiled about A.D. 730 but modem research is inclined to give it a later date in the ninth or even the early tenth century. In it we are told that Irish monks received an Order of Service from SS. Dewi, Gildas and Docas of Wales. Belonging to much the same period is the reference to 'David Cille Muni' under March 1st in the Irish Martyrology of Oengus the Culdee. A third Irish work, The Martyrology of Tallaght, notes St. David's Feast Day under March 1st. This work is thought to date from the middle of the eighth century. Another early reference comes from a Breton monk named Wrmonoc (Gourmonoc) in the Abbey of Landévennec in Brittany who wrote a Life of St. Paul de Leon in 884. In this work there are several references to Wales and the Welsh Saints. Wrmonoc, for example, tells us that David was a pupil of St. Illtud at Llantwit Major, but this is now considered doubtful. More important is the reference in this work to David being nicknamed 'Aquaticus' ('Dyfrwr') because he lived on bread, vegetables and water alone.

Digwydd cyfeiriadau (cyn dyddiau Rhigyfarch) at Ddewi yng Nghymru a Lloegr fel ci gilydd. Yn Lloegr y mae cwlt Dewi yn ymddangos yn Wessex mor gynnar â'r unfed ganrif ar ddeg o leiaf ac mae'n bur debyg cyn hynny. Fe gofnodir ei enw yng Nghalendrau Seisnig y rhanbarth hwn yn ystod y cyfnod yma a hynny fel arfer yn ei ffurf Gymraeg-Dewi. Fe ellir priodoli hyn a holl gwlt Dewi yn Wessex i Asser, athro ac awdur cofiant i'r brenin Alfred Fawr a orffennwyd yn o.c. 893. Yn ei ysgrifeniadau, dywed Asser iddo gael ei alw gan y brenin Alfred o 'derfynau eithaf Cymru' ac iddo ymateb a chael ci wneud yn Esgob Sherborne. Mae Asser yn son am fynachlog a parochia Dewi Sant - mae hyn yn golygu'r eglwys a oedd ar safle'r eglwys gadeiriol bresennol a chwlt y Sant - a dywed fod perthynas iddo yn 'esgob' Tyddewi, fel y gallasai Asser yntau fod. Fe geir y cyfeiniad pwysicaf at Ddewi yn Gymraeg cyn amser Rhigyfarch mewn cerdd a elwir 'Arymes Prydein Vawr' a welir yn Llyfr Taliesin. Mae'r gerdd yn son am gynghrair rhwng y Cymry. Daniaid Dulyn, y Gwyddyl a gwr Cernyw. Llydaw a Strathclud, i uno yn erbyn y gormeswyr o Saeson. Mae'r bardd yn ceisio eu huno oll dan faner Dewi: a lluman glan dewi a dyrchafant' (codant faner sanctaidd Dewi i fyny), ac yn proffwydo goruchafiaeth derfynol iddynt. Mae'n amlwg fod y gerdd hon, syn portreadu Dewi fel Sant milwriaethus, yn perthyn i'r cyfnod pan oedd y brenin Seisnig Atheistan yn ymgyrchu'n rymus tua'r gorliewin i mewn i dde-ddwyrain Cymru.

 

There are other early (pre-Rhigyfarch) references to Dewi in both England and Wales. In England, the cult of Dewi appears in Wessex as early, at least, as the eleventh century and possibly before this. His name is recorded in the English Calendars of this region at this time, usually in the Welsh form of his name - Dewi. This and the whole cult of the Saint in Wessex can be attributed to Asser, the tutor of, and author of the Life of King Alfred the Great, which was finished in 893. In his writings Asser says he was called by King Alfred from 'the westernmost parts of Wales' and he responded and was made Bishop of Sherborne. Asser refers to the monastery and parochia of Holy Dewi - this means the church on the site of the present Cathedral and the sphere of influence of the Saint - and tells us that a relative of his was a 'bishop' at St. David's, and Asser himself might have been so as well. The most important Welsh reference to David in pre-Rhigyfarch times occurs in a famous poem called 'Arymes Prydein Vawr' found in the Book of Taliesin. The poem refers to an agreement between the Welsh, the Danes of Dublin, the Irish, and the men of Cornwall, Brittany and Strathclyde to unite against the English oppressor. The poet seeks to rally them all under the banner of Dewi: a human glan dewi a dyrchafant' (Sand they will uplift the holy banner of David') and foretells their ultimate victory. It is clear that this poem portraying David as a soldier-saint belongs to the period when the English King Atheistan was vigorously exerting his power westwards into south-eastern Wales.

Mae'r holl gyfeiriadau cynnar at Ddewi Sant yn bwysig am eu bod yn dangos ei fod ef, yn wir, yn berson real iawn cyn i Rigyfarch ysgrifennu amdano, ond yn awr fe'u teflir i'r cysgod gan gyfeiriad pwysig sydd bron yn sicr o fod yn un cyfoes. Fei ceir ar arysgrif ar garreg yn Llanddewibrefi yng Ngheredigion. Mae hanes hynod braidd i'r stori hon. Fe'i darganfuwyd gyntaf gan yr hynafieithydd enwog o Gymro Edward Lhuyd yn 1693, wrth iddo deithio drwy Dde Cymru yn casglu defnyddiau tuag at ei gyfraniad i argraffiad yr Esgob Gibson o Britannia gan William Camden. Uwchben drws cangell yr eglwys canfu garreg ag arysgrif arni, a gwnaeth gofnod ohoni gan ychwanegu iddo sylwi fod y saer maen a osododd y garreg yn y wal uwchben y drws wedi gorchuddio ei bôn, a'i fod yn credu y gellid datguddio'r arysgrif gyflawn pe symudid rhan o'r gwaith maen. Tuag 1701 daeth yn ei ôl i Landdewibrefi, a symud darn o'r wal a datguddio'r arysgrif i gyd. Mewn llythyr at yr Esgob Humphrey Humphreys o Fangor tua'r adeg honno fe ddywed Lhuyd ei fod yn amgáu rhai nodiadau ar ychydig arysgrifau er mwyn i'r Esgob eu hanfon ymlaen at ei frawd yr Esgob William Lloyd o Gaerlwytgoed (Lichfield). Mae copi o'r llythyr hwn wedi ci ddarganfod ymhlith papurau teuluol Owen a Stanley o Benrhos, Caergybi, syn awr ar adnau yn Llyfrgell Coleg Prifysgol Gogledd Cymru, Bangor. Dyma'r arysgrif lawn:

All early references to the Saint are important in showing that he was, indeed, a very real person before Rhigyfarch wrote, but they are now eclipsed in importance by what is almost certainly an important contemporary reference. This is an Early Christian inscribed stone at Llanddewibrefi in Ceredigion. This stone has a somewhat peculiar history. It was first discovered by the famous Welsh antiquary Edward Lhuyd in 1693 when travelling through South Wales, gathering material for his contribution to Bishop Gibson's edition of William Camden's Britannia. He observed a stone with an inscription cut on it above the chancel door in Llanddewibrefi church and made a note of it, adding that he noticed that the mason who had set the stone in the wall above the chancel door had covered over the end of it, and that he thought that if some of the stone work was removed the whole inscription would be revealed. About 1701 he returned again to Llanddewibrefi and removed a portion of the walling and so revealed the complete wording. In a letter to Bishop Humphrey Humphreys of Bangor about this time Lhuyd says that he was enclosing some notes on a few inscriptions for the Bishop to pass on to his brother-bishop William Lloyd of Lichfield. A copy of this letter has been found among the family papers of Owen and Stanley of Penrhos, Holyhead, now deposited in the Library of the University College of North Wales, Bangor. The full inscription reads:

HIC IACET IDNERT FILl VS IACOBI

QVI OCCISVS FVIT PROPTER PREDAM

SANCTI DAVVID

Ei hystyr yn fras yw: Yma'r gorwedd Idnerth fab Iago a laddwyd wrth iddo amddiffyn eglwys Dewi sanctaidd rhag cael ci hysbeilio'.

its overall meaning being: Here lies Idnerth, son of Jacob, who was killed while defending the church of the holy David from despoliation.

Hanes anffodus iawn a fu i'r garreg hon wedyn. Cafodd ei malu pan adnewyddwyd yr eglwys yn saithdegau'r ganrif ddiwethaf. Gwthiwyd dau o'r darnau i fur gorllewinol yr eglwys ar yr ochr ogleddol fel na ellir yn awr ddarllen yr arysgrif yn ei chyfanrwydd. Yn y pen draw felly rhaid i ni ddibynnu ar eirwiredd a gallu Edward Lhuyd (ac fe ellir yn sicr ymddiried ynddynt) er mwyn i ni werthfawrogi'n llawn beth yw arwyddocâd yr arysgrif hon fel cofnod am Ddewi Sant. Mae'r arbenigwyr ar arysgrifau Cristnogol cynnar yn unfryd bod arddull yr arysgrif hon yn perthyn i flynyddoedd cynnar y seithfed ganrif. Mae hyn lawn ddwy ganrif neu fwy yn gynharach na'r dyddiad a briodolir yn awr i Gatalog Seintiau Iwerddon, catalog y credwyd mai ynddo y caed y cyfeiriad cynharaf at Ddewi; ac ni all yr arysgrif fod yn fwy nag ychydig ddegau o flynyddoedd ar ôl marw'r Sant ei hun, neu fe all fod hyd yn oed yn gyfoes â'i hen ddyddiau. Mae'r ffaith fod ci enw gennym ar arysgrif ar garreg gyfoes bron yn Llanddewibrefi o’r pwys pennaf.

The subsequent history of this stone has been most unfortunate: it was ultimately broken into fragments during a restoration of the church in the 1870s. Two of the fragments were incorporated into the west wall of the church on the north side so that now no one can read the inscription as a whole. In the end, therefore, we are dependent on Edward Lhuyd's skill and veracity (and these are never in doubt) for making it possible for us to appreciate the full significance of this monument as a record of St. David. The experts on the epigraphy of Early Christian inscribed stones are unanimous that the style of writing belongs to the early seventh century. This is fully two hundred years or more earlier than the date now assigned to the Catalogue of the Saints of Ireland which was previously thought to contain the earliest reference to St. David, and it cannot be more than a few decades later than the death of the Saint himself, or possibly, even contemporary with his old age. The fact that we have his name inscribed in this way on a near contemporary stone memorial at Llanddewibrefi is, indeed, of the greatest significance.

Fe allwn yn awr droi i ystyried Buchedd Dewi Rhigyfarch, a sut y dylem edrych arno. Yn gyntaf, trown at Rigyfarch ei hun. Ef oedd yr hynaf o bedwar mab Sulien (Sulgen) Ddoeth a sefydlodd ysgol enwog i fynaich yn Llanbadarn Fawr, sy'n enwog am ei chyfraniadau llenyddol yn yr Oesoedd Canol cynnar. Bu Sulien yn Esgob Tyddewi ddwywaith - rhwng 1073 a 1078 ac eto rhwng 1080 a 1085. Yn ystod ei ail dymor fel Esgob Tyddewi estynnodd groeso yno i ddau o'r tywysogion mwyaf grymus drwy Gymru benbaladr, sef Gruffydd ap Cynan a Rhys ap Tewdwr. Tra oedd y Tywysogion Cymreig yn Nhyddewi bu'n rhaid i Sulien (ynghyd a Rhigyfarch) groesawu gŵr mwy enwog na hwythau sef Gwilym y Gorchfygwr. Rhywbeth i ryfeddu ato oedd ymddangosiad y gŵr hwnnw yn y fangre bellennig honno ar ymylon gorllewinol Cymru, yng nghwmni llond dwrn o farchogion ac ar adeg mor fuan ar ôl Brwydr Hastings.

We can now turn to consider Rhigyfarch's Life of David and how we should approach it. First of all, we should turn to Rhigyfarch himself. He was the eldest of the four sons of Sulien (Sulgen) the Wise who founded the famous monastic school at Llanbadarn Fawr, which is so well known for its literary contributions in the early Middle Ages. Sulien was twice Bishop of St. David's, between 1073 and 1078 and again between 1080 and 1085. During his second term of office he welcomed there two of the most powerful Princes in the whole of Wales, Gruffydd ap Cynan and Rhys ap Tewdwr. While the Welsh Princes were at St. David's, Sulien (together with Rhigyfarch) had to welcome an even more distinguished visitor in the person of William the Conqueror whose presence in 1081 at this remote spot on our western shores, accompanied only by a handful of armed knights, at a time so soon after Hastings, was, indeed, remarkable.

Mae ysgolheigion modern, yn enwedig y ddiweddar Mrs. Nora Chadwick, o'r farn nad adroddiad hanesyddol syml o fywyd Dewi Sam mo'r Fuchedd gan Rigyfarch - mai dogfen yn cynnwys propaganda politicaidd-eglwysig ydyw, yn ceisio cynnal a hyrwyddo buddiannau'r hen 'Eglwys'Geltaidd yn erbyn gallu a thwf cynyddol Rhufain. Mae Mrs. Chadwick o'r farn fod a fynno Sulien lawer â'r cyfarfod rhwng y Gorchfygwr â'r ddau dywysog Cymreig yn Nhyddewi. Mae hi'n awgrymu felly y byddai tua 1081 yn bosibl fel dyddiad cyfansoddi'r Vita bwysig hon gan y byddai'n sicr bron fod Ysgol Llanbadarn yn dymuno manteisio ar bresenoldeb Gwilym yn Nhyddewi nid yn unig i gyflwyno iddo achos yr Eglwys Geltaidd, a Dewi Sant yn enwedig, ond i gadarnhau hynny a Buchedd y Sant yr un pryd.

Modern scholars, particularly the late Mrs. Nora Chadwick, are of the opinion that Rhigyfarch's Life of David is not a simple historical account of the life of the Saint, but that it is a document containing contemporary political-ecclesiastical propaganda attempting to uphold, and to further, the interests of the old Celtic Church' against the ever increasing power and spread of Rome. Mrs. Chadwick is of the opinion that Sulien might have had much to do with the meeting of the Conqueror and the two Welsh princes at St. David's. She suggests, therefore, that a possible date for the composition of this important Vita would be about the year 1081, as it is almost certain that the Llanbadarn School would wish to take advantage of the Conqueror's presence at St. David's, not only to put before him in person the case for the Celtic 'Church' and for St. David in particular, but also to follow up with a life history of the Saint at the same time.

Boed hynny fel y bo, rhaid i ni edrych yn fanwl ar hanes bywyd Dewi fel yr ysgrifennwyd ef gan Rigyfarch. Mae hyn yn bwysig am nifer o resymau; nid y lleiaf o'r rhain yw bod y Vita yn cael ei hystyried yn rhagredegydd cynifer o’r Bucheddau a ysgrifennwyd i'r Saint Celtaidd yn ddiweddarach. 'Roedd ganddynt lawer o nodweddion arbennig yn gyffredin rhyngddynt; yn wir, fe’u hysgrifennwyd ar batrwm gosod. Fe aeth testun gwreiddiol y Vita Davidis ar goll ond y mae copi cynnar wedi ei ddyddio tua 1200 yn yr Amgueddfa Brydeinig. Mae'n cynnwys manylion helaeth, er iddo gael ei ysgrifennu tua phum can mlynedd ar ôl oes Dewi. Mae'r manylion yn cynnwys cyfoeth o hanesion am weithredoedd y Sant a’i wyrthiau, a hyn yn amlwg yn dilyn patrwm gosod holl Fucheddau Saint yr Oesoedd Canol. Er enghraifft, rhaid i'r Sant ddod o dras frenhinol a llinach o fri. Rhaid cysylltu ei enedigaeth wrth ryw ddigwyddiad gwyrthiol. Rhaid ei ddanfon at athro adnabyddus ac enwog i'w addysgu. Rhaid bod angel yn ei warchod beunydd i ddweud wrtho beth i'w wneud nesaf a ble i fynd. Rhaid i’r Sant fedru cyflawni gwyrthiau (megis y stori am Ddewi yn rhoi caniatâd i Sant Bane i farchogaeth ei geffyl pan oedd yn awyddus i ddychwelyd i Iwerddon ar frys. Mae'r ceffyl, sy'n berchen ar alluoedd gwyrthiol Dewi, yn cyrchu'r môr ac yn ymwthio i ymchwydd yr eigion mâl petai dir âr gwastad, ac mae'r Sant yn cyrraedd pen ei daith yn ddiogel). Mae’n rhaid i'r Sant sy'n wrthrych y Fuchedd allu codi'r marw'n fyw fel y mae Dewi, ar ei ffordd i Synod Brefi, yn cyfodi unig fab mam weddw, gan roddi Llyfr yr Ysgrythur ar frest y bachgen a mynd ag ef gydag ef i'r Synod. Agwedd arall bwysig ar fywyd pob Sant yw ei ymweliad rywbryd neu'i gilydd â'r Pab neu Archesgob i’w gysegru 1w swydd aruchel - a honno fel rheol yn swydd esgob neu archesgob.

Be that as it may, we must examine carefully the story of St. David as Rhigyfarch wrote it. This is important for many reasons, not least because this Vita is now regarded as the prototype of so many Lives of the Celtic Saints written at a later date. They all had several distinctive features in common: in fact, they were written on a set pattern. The original text of the Vita Davidis is lost but there is a very early copy of it dated about 1200 in the British Museum. It contains a wealth of detail, even though it was written some five hundred years after David lived. The detail contains many hagiological and miraculous incidents which clearly form part of the set plan on which all the medieval Saints' Lives are written. For example, the Saint must be given a royal lineage and a distinguished ancestry. Some miraculous event must be associated with his birth. He must be sent to a well-known and famous teacher for his education. An angel must be beside him always, directing him where to go and what to do next. The Saint must be able to perform miracles (like the story of David giving permission to St. Barre to ride his horse, when he was desirous of returning to Ireland hastily. The horse, carrying with it David's miraculous powers, enters the sea and ploughs through the swelling masses of the waves, as through a level field', and the Saint reaches Ireland in safety). The Saint whose life is written up must also be able to raise people from the dead, as St. David, when on the way to the Synod of Brefi, raises the only son of a widowed mother to life, and places the Gospel Book on the boy's breast and takes him along with him to the Synod. Another important feature of every Saint's Life is a visit, at some time or other, to the Pope or a Metropolitan to be consecrated to a high office, usually that of a bishop or archbishop.

Ac yn olaf rhaid danfon rhyw ymwelydd dwyfol i rybuddio'r Sant yng1n a dyddiad ac amseriad ei farwolaeth. Fe ddigwydd hyn eto yn hanes Dewi.

Finally, some divine visitor must be sent to warn the Saint of the date and time of his death. This too, happens in the narrative concerning St. David.

Barn ysgolheigion modern yw y gellir tynnu'r nodweddion hyn, syn gyffredin i holl fucheddau'r Seintiau, allan o'r hanes; ac felly gellir dadlau y dichon i'r gweddill gynnwys yr hyn a gofiwyd neu a drosglwyddwyd gan draddodiad am wir hanes y Sant dan sylw. Os cymhwysir y ddadl hon at Fuchedd Dewi Rhigyfarch, cawn nifer o bynciau ynddo sy’n adleisiau, mae'n sicr, o ddigwyddiadau hanesyddol cywir.

Modem scholars feel that these items, common as they are to all the Lives of the Saints, can be taken out of the narrative, so that it can be argued that what is left of the story may well be what is remembered or carried down by tradition concerning the real history of the Saint in question. If this argument is applied to Rhigyfarch's Life of David we find that a number of matters stand out which we think represent echoes at least of real historical happenings.

Mae'r cyntaf o'r rhain yn dangos yn eglur bod cynefin ac addysg gynnar Dewi yn gysylltiedig â chanol Ceredigion. Dywedir bod ei dad, o'r enw Sant, yn frenin Ceredigion, yn fab i Gedig, fab Ceredig, fab Cunedda. Anfonodd rhyw allu dwyfol y Brenin Sant at Non (lleian) a daeth hi'n fam i Ddewi. Wedi hyn mae'n ymddangos i Sant adael ei deyrnas a throi'n feudwy. Y pwynt pwysicaf yn adrannau diweddarach yr ach yw dangos fod Dewi yn or-or-ŵyr i Gunedda yr arwr Celtaidd enwog. Addysgwyd Dewi yn Henfynyw, yr enw a roddwyd i'w fynachlog mewn cyfnod diweddarach i wahaniaethu rhyngddi â'r Fynyw Newydd, sef Tyddewi. 'Roedd gan y fynachlog fechan Geltaidd enw rhagorol am addysg gyflawn o dan ofal esgob hyglod o'r enw Guistilianus. Tybir i Ddewi gael ei anfon o Henfynyw am gyfnod o baratoad neu encil at Sant Paulinus mewn mynachlog yn y rhan honno a adweinid yn ddiweddarach fel gogledd Sir Gaerfyrddin.

The first of them points clearly to the fact that David's homeland and early education are associated with mid-Ceredigion. His father Sant is said to have been King of Ceredigion, son of Cedig, son of Ceredig, son of Cunedda. Divine power sent Sant to Non (a nun) who became the mother of the Saint. Afterwards, the father seems to have withdrawn from his Kingdom to take up the eremetical life. The most important point in the pedigree in its later stages shows that David would be a great-great grandson of Cunedda, the famous Celtic hero, David was educated at Vetus Rubus, the Welsh Henfynyw - the Old Mynyw, the name given to his monastery in later times to distinguish it from the New Mynyw, Menevia, which is St. David's. The little Celtic Monastery at Henfynyw had an excellent reputation as a place of sound education and learning under the care of a distinguished Bishop named Guistilianus. It seemed that David was sent from Henfynyw for a further period of preparation, or retreat, to St. Paulinus in a monastery located in what was later known as northern Carmarthenshire.

Mae'r gwerth edrych yn fanylach ar Henfynyw er mwyn cael darlun cliriach o'r bywyd a'r diwylliant cyffredinol a ffynnai o gylch Dewi ifanc yn ystod ei gwrs addysg yno. Ychydig fythynnod cyntefig oedd y fynachlog ei hun, mae'n debyg, yn cynnwys eglwys fach i gynnal defosiwn, a'r cyfan wedi ei amgylchynu a ffos ddofn ynghyd â chlawdd pridd i gadw lladron a gwylltfilod allan. Mewn cyfnod diweddarach gwnaed yr eglwys, i ddechrau, o bren ac yna ei datblygu'n eglwys blwyf fechan o feini yn dwyn enw’r Sant a'i sylfaenodd, a byddai ffynnon sanctaidd gerllaw. Dyma gynllun yr eglwys syn parhau i ddwyn enw Dewi. Mae peth tystiolaeth archaeolegol hefyd fod mynachlog ac yn sicr hen fynwent ger yr eglwys bresennol yn y seithfed ganrif, canys, wedi ei osod ym mur allanol cangell ddwyreiniol yr eglwys, mae darn o garreg arw (wedi ei hollti rywfaint) a fu unwaith yn rhan o gofgolofn fawr. Mae arni ddarn o arysgrif Ladin ar enw (wrth ddarllen ar i lawr) TIGEIR(N) arni, h.y. maen Tigeirnacus. Ni wyddom pwy oedd Tigeirnacus ‘roedd bron yn sicr yn aelod o gymuned fechan y fynachlog, ond mae'n werth nodi fod yr enw'n digwydd tair gwaith ar arysgrifau rnaen or burned hyd y seithfed ganrif yng Nghymru, ac fe all ei fod yn berson o bwys.

It is worth looking a little closer at Henfynyw in order to obtain a clearer picture of the general life and culture that surrounded young David during his education there. The little monastery itself would presumably have consisted of a few primitive huts including a small wattle and daub church for devotional purposes, the whole surrounded by a deep ditch together with an earthen embankment to keep out robbers and wild beasts. In later times the little church would be built first of all of timber only, later still becoming a small stone-built parish church carrying the name of its original founder, with a sacred well nearby. This is the situation as it is today with the church still carrying the name of St. David. There is some archaeological evidence too that a monastery, and certainly an early burial place, existed near the present church in the seventh century, for now, built into the external eastern chancel wall of the church is a rough stone block, somewhat fractured, but originally forming part of a large pillar stone. It has a fragment of a Latin inscription reading vertically downwards TIGEIR(N) (the stone of Tigeirnacus). We do not know who Tigeimacus was: he was almost certainly a member of the little monastic community but it is worth noting that the name occurs three times on early Christian inscribed stones of fifth to seventh century date in Wales, so he may have been a person of some significance.

Cyn i ni edrych ar fywyd bob dydd y mynachlogydd bychain hyn yn nyddiau Dewi, mae'n werth nodi rhai manylion ynglŷn â safle Henfynyw sy'n berthnasol iawn i'r gwaith o ail-greu darlun o'r hen fywyd. Mae 'r safle’n nodweddiadol o nifer o fynachlogydd tebyg o amgylch arfordir Cymru a de-orllewin Prydain yn y cyfnod Celtaidd. Sylwn ar y glyn cul yn rhedeg i lawr oddi ar lwyfandir yr arfordir a safle'r fynachiog yn y blaenau lie mae'r cwm yn ymagor yn fan cysgodol ardderchog ar gyfer ffermio, ac a chysylltiad uniongyrchol â’r môr drwy'r hollt gul. 'Roedd arwyddocâd arbennig i hyn gan mai’r môr yn y dyddiau hynny oedd prif gyfrwng cyfathrebu a phriffordd trafnidiaeth pobi, nwyddau a syniadau o'r byd mawr y tu allan. Roedd yn haws teithio mewn llongau, ar drugaredd y gwyntoedd croes, a thramwyo drwy ymchwydd a cherrynt a stormydd croch nag ymlwybro dros fynyddoedd, corsydd a siglennydd peryglus ar dir. (Ffig. I)

Before we examine the day-to-day life of these little monasteries at the time of David, it is worth while noting a few details concerning the site of Henfynyw which are strictly relevant to a reconstruction of the early picture. The site is typical of so many such monasteries around the coasts of Wales and south-western Britain in Celtic times. We note the narrow steepsided valley running down off the coastal plateau, with the monastic site where the valley opens out, in its upper reaches, set in an excellent sheltered position for agriculture, and by way of the narrow valley cleft to maintain direct contact with the sea. This was 'of the greatest significance because in those days the sea was the chief means of communication and the highway of traffic for people, goods and ideas from the outside world. The little ships at the mercy of the sea winds and tides found it easier to negotiate currents, tide-races and storms than did their passengers to traverse mountains, bogland and swamps on land. (Fig. I).

Ffig 1 / Fig 1

Daeth y Gristnogaeth Geltaidd a amgylchynai Ddewi i fod oherwydd dyfodiad syniadau newydd o darddle Cristnogaeth yn rhannau dwyreiniol y Môr Canoldir yn ymdoddi â’r hyn oedd yn weddill o Gristnogaeth cyfnod y Rhufeiniaid. Credir yn awr mai fei hyn y bu. Yn sicr, nid oedd y bywyd mynachaidd a ddatblygwyd yn Henfynyw yn nodweddiadol o'r Gristnogaeth gynharaf ym Mhrydain, sef yr un a geid yno yng nghyfnod y Rhufeiniaid. Ond cafodd cenhedlaeth newydd o haneswyr ac archeolegwyr eu denu yn gymharol ddiweddar i astudio Cristnogaeth Gynnar ym Mhrydain ac mae’n ddiogel datgan ein bod yn gwybod ddwywaith gymaint am y pwnc hwn ag a wyddem cyn yr Ail Ryfel Byd. Mae canlyniadau'r ymchwil bôn (yn enwedig gwaith yr Athro Charles Thomas) wedi rhoi i ni olwg newydd ar drefn y digwyddiadau mewn cysylltiad â Christnogaeth Gynnar yn y gwledydd Celtaidd, ac a mynachaeth Geltaidd yn arbennig.

It was the coming of new ideas by sea from the homelands of Christianity in the Eastern Mediterranean and their fusion with what remained of Christianity from Roman times in these far western margins of the Empire that, ultimately, brought into being the Celtic Christianity which surrounded St. David in his day. It is now thought that the sequence of events was as follows. Monastic life as developed at Henfynyw was certainly not a feature of the earliest Christianity in Britain, found during the period of the Roman occupation. However, during recent decades a new generation of historians and archaeologists has been attracted to the study of Early Christianity in Britain and it is safe to say that we know twice as much about this subject as we did before the Second World War. The conclusions of these workers (particularly those of Professor Charles Thomas) have given us a clearer understanding of the sequence of events relative to Early Christianity in the Celtic lands and to Celtic monasticism in particular.

Gwyddom ers tro byd ar sail tystiolaeth archaeolegol a llenyddol fod Cristnogaeth wedi ei sefydlu yn bur gadarn yn ne-ddwyrain Prydain erbyn diwedd y bedwaredd ganrif, ond nid yw'n eglur beth oedd y sefyllfa yng ngogledd a gorllewin Prydain. Ond dangosodd ymchwil ddiweddar y gallasai cymunedau Cristnogol fod wedi ymsefydlu yn yr ardaloedd hyn yn y bedwaredd ganrif os nad yn y drydedd ganrif fel yr awgryma’r dystiolaeth o'r gogledd-orllewin (a'i ganolfan yng Nghaerliwelydd). Dengys y dystiolaeth fôn hefyd fod Cristnogaeth yn y gorllewin a'r gogledd wedi parhau i dyfu ac y gallai'r twf hwn fod wedi cychwyn yno, a'i feithrin, gan hir gyswllt a' r Eglwys yng Ngâl ar hyd llwybrau'r môr gorllewinol, neu hyd yn oed â'r Môr Canoldir ar hyd yr un llwybrau. Cristnogaeth uniongred oedd hon, yn cael ei llywodraethu gan esgobion ar seiliau esgobaethol. Yn ne-ddwyrain Prydain byddai'r esgobaethau wedi eu seilio ar y trefi Rhufeinig mwyaf, ond yng Nghymru a gorllewin Lloegr yn gyffredinol, 'doedd dim trefi, ac felly fe fyddai esgob yn y gorllewin yn fwy o esgob llwyth arbennig, a'i gadeirlan yn agos at yr awdurdod sifil oedd yn bodoli ar y pryd - hynny yw at bencadlys pennaeth y llwyth lleol. Dangosodd y ddiweddar Kathleen Hughes mai felly yr oedd pethau yn sicr yn Iwerddon cyn dyfod mynachaeth gyflawn. Maer holl dystiolaeth felly yn datgan fod Cristnogaeth gyfundrefnol yn bodoli yng ngorllewin Prydain yng nghyfnod y Rhufeiniaid.

We have known for a long time from archaeological and literary evidence that Christianity was reasonably well established in south-eastern Britain at the close of the fourth century, but what the situation was in the north and west of Britain remains obscure. Modern work, however, has shown that in these areas Christian communities may well have been present in the fourth, if not in the third century, as, for example, the evidence from the north-west (centred on Carlisle) seems to indicate. This evidence also points to the fact that Christianity in the west and north continued to grow, and that this growth may be indigenous, as well as fostered by prolonged contact with the Church in Gaul by the western sea routes, or even directly with the Mediterranean by the same routes. This Christianity was of the orthodox type ruled by bishops on a diocesan basis. In south-eastern Britain the bishops would be based on the larger Roman towns. In Wales and the west generally, however, there were no towns, so that the western bishops would be virtually bishops of a particular tribe (tribal bishops) with their seats close to the existing civil authority - that is, to the headquarters of the local tribal chieftain. The late Dr. Kathleen Hughes has shown that this was clearly the case in Ireland before the coming of full monasticism. All our evidence, therefore, points to the fact that there was organised Christianity in western Britain during the Roman occupation.

Wrth i'r burned ganrif gerdded rhagddi, mae'r darlun yn newid. Aflonyddai'r ysbeilwyr Eingl-Seisnig ar y de a'r dwyrain a phrin y llwyddodd Cristnogaeth i oroesi yno - ac mewn llecynnau gwasgaredig yn unig y gwnaeth hynny. Mae tystiolaeth argyhoeddiadol a chynyddol na ellir priodoli dyfodiad Cristnogaeth Cymru a gorllewin Lloegr i ddyfodiad ffoaduriaid o dde-ddwyrain Lloegr a giliodd i'r bryniau rhag ymosodiadau’r Eingl-Saeson, fel y credai haneswyr gynt. Tra wynebai Cristnogaeth dde-ddwyrain Lloegr anawsterau wedi i’r Rhufeiniaid encilio, fe gawn dystiolaeth bod trefn eglwysig yn nodwedd sefydlog yn y gorllewin, erbyn diwedd y burned a dechrau’r chweched ganrif, a honno wedi etifeddu ei defodaeth, ei litwrgi a'i threfniadaeth esgobol oddi wrth yr Eglwys ar y Cyfandir a'r Eglwys Brydeinig yn amser y Rhufeiniaid. I mewn i'r gyfundrefn hon yn y gogledd a'r gorllewin y daeth y fynachaeth gyfundrefnol yr oedd Dewi yn rhan ohoni. Rhaid i ni yn awr astudio ei tharddiad.

As the fifth century advanced, the picture changed. Anglo-Saxon raiders progressively disrupted affairs in the south and east and Christianity barely survived, and then only in isolated pockets. There is an impressive and growing body of evidence that the coming of Christianity into Wales and the west cannot any longer be attributed, as the older historians once thought, to Christian refugees from south-eastern England fleeing to the hills before the advancing Anglo-Saxons. While Christianity was in difficulties in south-eastern Britain after the Roman withdrawal, we find evidence today that Church organisation was by the late fifth and early sixth centuries a regular feature of the west, inheriting from the Continental Church, and the British Church in Roman times, its ritual, liturgy and diocesan organisation. It was into this situation in the north and west that organised monasticism entered, to which David was so deeply committed, and whose origins must now be examined.

Fe wyddom fod erledigaeth gynnar wedi peri i Gristnogion cynnar rhanbarthau Rhufeinig yr Aifft a'r Dwyrain Agos ffoi i’r anialwch. Ar y dechrau, 'roeddent yn byw bywydau unig ac yn ymgosbi'n llym. Yn ddiweddarach, fodd bynnag, fe ddaeth rhai ohonynt ynghyd mewn grwpiau bychain a mawr i weithio ac i addoli ac i ymwrthod â'r byd. O bryd i’w gilydd fe ddeuai arweinwyr Cristnogol o’r Gorllewin i ymweld â hwy yn yr anialwch. Ar ôl dychwelyd byddai'r rheiny'n codi eu mynachlogydd eu hunain gan efelychu mynachlogydd yr anialwch. Mae Lérins ger Marseilles, a Ligugé, a Manmoutier ger Tours, yn enghreifftiau o hyn. Fe ledodd patrwm y mynachlogydd hyn yng Ngâl i Brydain yn ddiweddarach. Mwy arwyddocaol hyd yn oed na hynny, mae'n debyg, yw bod archaeolegwyr modem wedi gallu dangos bod gan y tiroedd o gwmpas y Môr Canoldir, yn cynnwys yr Aifft, Palestina, Asia Leiaf ac Ynysoedd yr Aegean gysylltiadau trafnidiaeth uniongyrchol a de-orllewin Prydain. (Ffig. V). Mae rhai mathau o grochenwaith olwyn nas gwnaed ym Mhrydain, mae'n amlwg, wedi cu darganfod yn ystod y blynyddoedd diwethaf hyn yn ne Iwerddon, yng Nghymru a de-orllewin Lloegr. Mae crochenwaith cyffelyb 1w gael ym mhorthladdoedd dwyrain y Môr Canoldir megis Tarsws, Athen, Antiochia a Chaergystennin. Perthyn y crochenwaith hwn i ddau ddosbarth. Mae rhai Dosbarth Ac yn blatiau a llestri bwrdd coch a symbolau Cristnogol yn fynych wedi eu stampio arnynt, ac yn ail, Dosbarth B, sy'n ddarnau o amphorae neu biseri a ddefnyddid i ddal a chario gwin o ganolfannau fel Rhodes a Chyprus ac ynysoedd eraill yr Aegean. Fe fewnforiwyd y gwin gan y mynachlogydd Celtaidd bychain i'w ddefnyddio yn y Cymun, ac wrth gwrs fe gyrhaeddodd peth ohono fyrddau’r uchelwyr. Mae'n bwysig sylwi fod llwybr y môr, mae’n debyg, wedi mynd yn uniongyrchol drwy Gulfor Gibraltar i orllewin Prydain a bod prysurdeb amlwg ar hyd glannau Môr Hafren. Os gallai'r crochenwaith hwn deithio i'r mynachlogydd o gwmpas traethau de-orllewin Prydain (lle darganfuwyd Rawer darn ohono), felly gallai pererinion, llyfrau a syniadau wneud hynny hefyd; ac felly ni all fod amheuaeth bellach nad ar hyd I1wybraur môr gorllewinol hyn y cyrhaeddodd y bywyd mynachaidd cyflawn ein harfordir gorllewinol. Lledaenodd y patrwm yn gyflym o'r glannau gorllewinol i leoedd fel Llanilltud Fawr, Nant carfan. Llandaf. Ynys Bŷr, Glastonbury, Tintagei, Tyddewi. Llanbadarn Fawr. Tywyn, a mannau eraill yng ngorllewin Cymru rhwng ac. 470 a 670. Mae hyd yn oed celloedd bychain fel Henfynyw yn perthyn i'r mudiad hwn. Yng nghraidd y mudiad hwn mae Dewi Sant yn ymddangos.

We know that the early persecution of Christians in the Roman Provinces of Egypt and the Near East caused many there to flee to the desert. At first, they lived solitary lives practising extremes of hardship. Later, however, some came together in large or small groups for work and worship, and so renounced the world. They were visited in the desert from time to time by leading Christians in the West and these, on returning home, set up their own monasteries in imitation of those of the desert. Lérins, near Marseilles, and Ligugé, and Marmoutier, near Tours, are cases in point. The pattern of these Gaulish monasteries ultimately spread to Britain. Even more significant, it would appear, is the fact that modern archaeologists have been able to show that the lands around the Eastern Mediterranean, including Egypt, Palestine, Asia Minor and the Aegean Islands, were in post-Roman times in direct trade contact with south-western Britain. (Fig. V). Certain types of wheel-made pottery which are clearly non-British in character have been found in recent years in southern Ireland, Wales and the South-west Approaches. Exactly similar pottery occurs in such Eastern Mediterranean ports and depots as Tarsus, Athens, Antioch and Constantinople. The pottery concerned is of two types. Some are red coloured platters and table wares, classified as Type A and often stamped with Christian symbols, and secondly, Type B which are portions of amphorae used as wine containers, transporting wine from such centres as Rhodes and Cyprus and other Aegean Islands. The wine was imported by the little Celtic monasteries for use in the Eucharist and some, of course, reached the tables of the aristocrats. It is important to note that the sea route appears to have passed through the Straits of Gibraltar direct to western Britain with the coastlands of the Bristol Channel being particularly involved. If this pottery could travel to the monasteries around the shores of south-western Britain (where many pieces have been recorded) so, too, could pilgrims, books, and ideas: so that there can be no longer any doubt that it was along these western sea-routes that full monastic life arrived on our western shores. The pattern spread rapidly from our Western Approaches to such sites as Llanilltud Fawr, Nantcarfan, Liandaf, Caldey, Glastonbury, Tintagel, St. David's, Lianbadarn Fawr, Tywyn, and other places in West Wales between AD 470 and 670 and it is to this movement that even small monastic cells like Henfynyw belong. In the heart of this movement we find St. David.

Fe ddechreuodd y Dewi ifanc ei addysg yn Henfynyw o dan ofal yr athro dawnus Guistilianus. Yno derbyniodd nid yn unig elfennau sylfaenol addysg gyffredinol - darllen, ysgrifennu a chyfrif syml - ond hefyd ysbrydiaeth a neges y Gristnogaeth Geltaidd. Wrth dyfu'n hŷn dyma’r neges a ddug gyda’i gyd-genhadon i’r bobl y tu allan, ar ysbrydiaeth a’r hyfforddiant a gafodd yn Henfynyw a’i harweiniodd i adeiladu Mynyw mwy newydd a mwy rhagorol - Menevia, Tyddewi, ei sefydliad cychwynnol ar begwn eithaf de-orllewin Dyfed, ei fro enedigol.

The youthful David began his education at Henfynyw under the supervision of the gifted teacher Guistilianus. He acquired not only the basic elements of a general education – reading, writing and simple numeration - but also the spirit and message of Celtic Christianity. In later life it was this message that he took with his fellow missionaries to the people outside, and it was the inspiration and training he acquired at Henfynyw that led him to set up a new and greater Mynyw - Menevia, Tyddewi, St. David's, his primary settlement on the extreme south-western tip of his native Dyfed.