Pastures New

Porfeydd Newydd

Pastures New

Gwelsom eisoes mai un o brif weithgareddau’r mynaich mewn mynachlog Geltaidd oedd tramwyo hyd a lled y Mad, yn fynych yng nghwmni un o'u hesgobion, yn pregethu’r efengyl, yn sefydlu eglwysi a gweini ar yr hen a'r claf. Dyna sut yr oedd hi yn Henfynyw yn sicr. Os olrheiniwn ar fap ddosbarthiad hen eglwysi (sef y rhai a sefydlwyd cyn y Diwygiad Protestannaidd) syn dwyn enw Dewi, fe welir eu bod yn agos at hen ffyrdd a llwybrau, neu arnynt, ac wedi eu cysylltu â Thyddewi. (Ffig. II). Mae'n ymddangos bod grŵp deheuol a grŵp gogleddol o eglwysi o’r fath ac arwyddion cryf bod yr un gogleddol yn cynnwys dwy gylchdaith o Henfynyw, y naill i'r de-orllewin drwy Flaenporth, Llanllwyddog a Llanychaer i gyfeiriad Tyddewi a'r hail yn gylchdaith i'r dwyrain, i Landdewibrefi, Llanddewi Abergwesyn. Llan-crwys ac ymlaen at Gregrina, Glasgwm, Colfa, Rhiwlen (Rhulen) ar grip o eglwysi Maesyfed syn dwyn enw Dewi. Heddiw mae un ar ddeg o eglwysi hynafol Dewi yn perthyn i'r gylchdaith dde-orllewinol a deuddeg i'r un ddwyreiniol. Maer cwbl o’r grŵp deheuol o eglwysi Dewi yn awgrymu bod y mudiadau cenhadol wedi cychwyn o Dyddewi ei hun, gan gynnwys eglwysi pwysig fel Abergwili, Langadog. Llan-ffwyst. Capel Dewi, Landdewi Ysgyryd, Llanddewi Rhydderch ac eraill yn y de-ddwyrain. Fforchai ail lwybr a oedd yn dilyn gwastadedd arfordir Cymru yn Abergwili (neu Gaerfyrddin) a mynd drwy Langyfelach a Bro Morgannwg i Landdewi (Dewstow) ger Caerwent.

We have already seen that it was one of the functions of the monks in a Celtic monastery to move through the countryside, often accompanied by one of their bishops, preaching and establishing churches and consoling the sick and infirm. This was certainly the case at Henfynyw. If we plot the distribution of ancient (that is pre-Reformation) Churches bearing the name of St. David we find that they are on or near to ancient roads and trackways, linked to St. David's (Fig. II). It would appear that we have a northern and a southern group of such churches with strong indications that the northern group shows two movements from Henfynyw, one to the south-westward via Blaenporth. Llanhlwyddog and Llanychaer towards St. David's, and a second group indicating movement eastwards to Llanddewibrefi. Llanddewi Abergwesyn. Llan-crwys, on to Cregrina. Glasgwm, Colva. Rhiwlen (Rhulen) and the group of Radnorshire churches dedicated to St. David. The south-westward movement is now marked by eleven ancient Dewi Churches and the eastern movement by twelve. The whole of the southern group of Dewi Churches in South Wales suggests missionary movements emanating from St. David's itself, marked by such important churches as Abergwili, Llangadog, Lianfoist, Capel David, Llanddewi Ysgyryd (Skirrid), Llanddewi Rhydderch, and others in the south-east. A second route following the South Wales coastal plain probably branched off at Abergwili (or Carmarthen) and went by way of Liangyfelach and the Vale of Glamorgan on to Dewstow near Caerwent.

Ffig II / Fig II

O ddychwelyd at y grŵp gogleddol o’r eglwysi fe gawn fod Rhigyfarch yn sôn am fudiadau cenhadol i gyfeiriad y dwyrain a'r gorllewin, ac er ei fod yn sôn am y mudiad dwyreiniol yn gyntaf, cyn sôn am yr un i’r de-orllewin, mae'n amlwg mai'r olaf yw'r pwysicaf gan ei fod yn gysylltiedig â sefydlu'r fynachlog yn Nhyddewi - uchafbwynt bywyd a gwaith y Sant. Mae gennym achos digonol dros dderbyn stori Rhigyfarch fel adlais o ffaith hanesyddol, dim ond i ni beidio â gorbwysleisio manylion na storiâu am wyrthiau. Dywed Rhigyfarch wrthym i dri disgybl - Aedan, Eiludd (Teilo) ac Ysmael - fynd gyda Dewi ar y daith genhadol hon i'r de-orllewin. Fe wneir i’r angel (sy bob amser yn bresennol) eu cyfeirio tuag at y Vallis Rosina ym mlaenau afon Alun yng ngorynys Tir Dewi lle y sefydlodd Dewi ei fynachlog maes o law.

Reverting to the northern group of churches, we find that the missionary movements both to the eastward and to the southwestward are mentioned by Rhigyfarch and although he mentions the eastward movement first, before the movement to the southwest, it is clear that the latter is the more important, involving the establishment of a monastery at St. Davids - clearly a highlight in the life and work of the Saint. We have every reason to accept Rhigyfarch's story as an echo of a historical fact, provided we do not overemphasise details or hagiological matters. Rhigyfarch tells us that three disciples. Aedan, Eiludd (Teilo) and Ysmael, accompany David on this south-western mission. The Angel (who is always present) is made to direct them to the Vallis Rosina in the upper part of the valley of the River Alun in the Dewisland peninsula where David in due course established his monastery.

Mae'n werth sylwi, wrth fynd heibio, mor wych oedd y safle hwn, yn enwedig yn nyddiau Dewi. Yn fyr, mae daear yr orynys yn llwyfandir tua 200 troedfedd o uchder. Mae’r arweddau amlwg i gyd, bron, o darddiad igneaidd yn sefyll i fyny fel monadnociaid anferth uwch wyneb y llwyfandir. Mae haen drwchus o farian iâ dros yr wyneb, a'r marian yn dueddol o lanw unrhyw bant naturiol yn yr wyneb. Y system ddraenio, fodd bynnag, sy'n arwyddocaol. Fe adnewyddwyd y nentydd presennol a’u cymoedd gan ymgodiad tir yn y cyfnodau cyn-rewlifol ac felly mae eu rhediad yn awr wedi ci rychu yn ddwfn i wyneb y llwyfandir. Mae afon Alun o ddiddordeb arbennig, yn llifo o’r dwyrain-ogledd-ddwyrain i’r gorllewin-dde-orllewin yn ei blaenau, yna wrth agosáu at y pen adnewyddol tua hanner milltir i’r gogledd o Dyddewi mae’n troi i gyfeiriad y de ac yna'n ôl i linell ogledd-ddwyrain - de-orllewin ac yna'n rhoi tro'r gwcw arall tua chwarter milltir o’r aber gan orffen ei thaith yn llifo o'r gogledd-orllewin i'r de-ddwyrain. O'r pen adnewyddol hyd at y môr mae afon Alun yn llifo mewn glyn cul sydd mewn gwrthgyferbyniad amlwg â'r rhan uchaf ar y llwyfandir - gwahaniaeth y sylwyd arno drwy'r canrifoedd gan fod y glyn cul yn cael ci alw'n Nant, Vallis neu Vale. Yn rhan uchaf y glyn cul hwn y saif yr eglwys gadeiriol heddiw, ar y safle y cododd Dewi ei fynachlog gyntaf arno. Yma roedd gan y fynachlog ddwy fantais uniongyrchol - ar y naill law fe'i cuddid yn ofalus islaw wyneb y llwyfandir yn than ddofn uchaf y glyn adnewyddol, fel na ellid ei gweld felly o'r môr, tra ar y llaw arall, roedd y mynaich yn medru cyrchu'r môr yn hawdd - &r môr hwnnw'n briffordd pob trafnidiaeth yn Oes y Seintiau. Dyna paham y maen fwy cywir yn hanesyddol i edrych ar yr eglwys gadeiriol bresennol o fryn isel yn y glyn, fel yn yr wyneblun, na dangos Hun yr adeilad yn ymddyrchafu oddi ar lefel y tir.

It is worth noting in passing what an excellent site this was, especially in the days of St. David. The land forming the peninsula is, briefly speaking, a plateau surface some 200 feet in general elevation. Nearly all the prominent features, however, are of igneous origin standing up as great monadnocks above the plateau surface. The area has a heavy drift cover, with the drift tending to fill up any natural hollows in the surface. It is, however, the drainage system which is significant. The present streams and their valleys were rejuvenated by an uplift of the land surface in pre-glacial times so that their courses are now incised into the plateau surface. The River Alun is of particular interest, flowing in an E.N.E.—W.S.W. direction in its upper reaches, then, as it approaches the rejuvenation head about half a mile north of St. David's, it turns in a general N.—S. direction and then back again to a N.E.—S.W. alignment and finally makes another sharp bend about a quarter of a mile from its mouth, completing its course in a N.W.—S.E. direction. From the rejuvenation head to the sea the River Alun flows in a deeply incised, narrow valley which stands out in sharp contrast to its upper portion on the plateau surface - a difference which seems to have been noted throughout the ages as the narrow deli is always referred to as the Nant. Vallis, or Vale. It is in the upper portion of this narrow deli that the Cathedral now stands, on the site where St. David placed his original monastery. In this position the monastery had two immediate advantages -on the one hand, it was carefully hidden below the plateau surface in the deep upper portion of the rejuvenated valley, making it, therefore, invisible from the sea, while, on the other hand, the monks were able to maintain direct access to the sea - so important as the main highway of movement in the Age of the Saints. This is why it is historically more accurate to view the present Cathedral from a relatively high point sunken in this way into the valley, as shown in the painting reproduced in the frontispiece, than it is to present the façade of the whole Cathedral from ground level.

Cofiwn fod Rhigyfarch yn peri i’r angel arwain Dewi a’i gymdeithion i’r Vallis Rosina, sef y rhan adnewyddol o’r glyn. Mae ystyr y gair Rosina wedi achosi peth dryswch. Fe gamddehonglwyd y gair Lladin rosina fel y gair Cymraeg rhosyn a rhoi iddo’r ystyr ‘Glyn y Rhosynnau’; ond bachigyn o’r gair ‘rhos’ yn golygu ‘cors fechan’ yw'r gair mewn gwirionedd. Fe leolwyd y fynachlog hynafol felly yng nglyn y gors neu’r siglen fach. Ond mae Rhigyfarch yn ychwanegu mai'r enw Cymraeg arno yw Hodnant neu Hoddnant. h.y. Vallis Prospera - ‘y glyn teg’. Ni ddefnyddir yr enw hwn mwyach ond gallasai fod yn nyddiau Rhigyfarch yn adlais o afael arbennig y fangre ar sefydlwyr cyntaf y fynachlog. Ni wyddom a gododd Dewi addoldy rywle arall yn Nhir Dewi cyn penderfynu'n derfynol ar y man yn y Vallis Rosina a ddaeth maes o law yn safle eglwys gadeiriol. Mae Gerallt Gymro a Buchedd Dewi'r ancr o Landdewibrefi fel petaent yn awgrymu mai felly y bu hi, ond cred ysgolheigion diweddar i’r syniad hwn ddatblygu oherwydd defnyddio'r term Vetus Rubus i olygu sefydliad h'n yn Nhir Dewi na'r un yng nglyn Alun. 'Does neb wedi gallu ei leoli, fodd bynnag, ac mae'n amlwg mai Henfynyw yng Ngheredigion yw Vetus Rubus. Nid yw materion fel hyn, er eu hod yn ddiddorol ynddynt eu hunain, ddim o bwysigrwydd neilltuol yn y darlun cyflawn. Y ffaith hollbwysig yw bod Dewi Sant a'i gymdeithion yn ymgyrchu' yma yn ne-orllewin Dyfed. Fe ddefnyddir y gair ymgyrch' yn fwriadol yn y cyswllt hwn am nad oedd y seintiau o Henfynyw yn ymladd brwydr dros Gristnogaeth yn erbyn y baganiaeth yn eu mysg yn unig ond hefyd yn ymgyrchu yn erbyn gelyn mewn gwisg o gnawd - yr ymsefydlwyr o Wyddelod a oedd wedi meddiannu'r tir. Mae archeolegwyr a haneswyr wedi dangos yn eglur fod ardal eang yn ne-orllewin Dyfed, o Aberaeron ar yr arfordir i mewn i’r wlad, gan gynnwys rhan isaf dyffryn Teifi a gorllewin Sir Gaerfyrddin a'r rhan fwyaf o ogledd Sir Benfro, wedi ei gwladychu gan oresgynwyr Gwyddelig yn y burned a'r chweched ganrif. Hwy oedd y Deisi' a ddaethai dros y môr o dde-ddwyrain Iwerddon. Mae tystiolaeth ynglŷn â mewnfudiad Gwyddelig tebyg i rannau eraill o orllewin Prydain. Prawf o hynny yw'r nifer helaeth o enwau lleoedd a ffermydd o darddiad Gwyddelig. Nid rhain yn unig sy'n dynodi'r mewnfudiad Gwyddelig i dde-orllewin Cymru: yn yr un diriogaeth y mae archeolegwyr wedi cofnodi Llawer iawn o feini arysgrif Cristnogol cynnar ag arnynt fel arfer arysgrifau dwyieithog mewn sgript Ladin ac ogam. Hen Wyddeleg yw'r iaith a ysgrifennwyd mewn ogam ar y cerrig beddau hyn.

We have seen that Rhigyfarch makes the Angel lead David and his colleagues to the Vailis Rosina which is the rejuvenated section of the valley. The word Rosina has caused some confusion in interpretation. The Latin word rosina has been misinterpreted to be equivalent to the Welsh word rhosyn' (a rose), to give the meaning 'Vale of Roses', but in fact the word is a diminutive of rhos' meaning 'a little swamp'. The ancient monastery was, therefore, located in the valley of the little swamp or bog. Rhigyfarch, however, adds that the Welsh people generally call the valley Hodnant or Hoddnant i.e. Vallis Prospera - 'a favourable valley'. This term is no longer used, but it may well have retained an echo, in Rhigyfarch's day, of its special appeal to St. David and the original founders of the settlement. We do not know, however, whether in fact St. David set up a temporary religious house somewhere in Dewisland before finally settling on the spot in the Vallis Rosina that became the site of the future Cathedral. Both Giraldus Cambrensis and the Welsh Life of St. David copied by the anchorite at Llanddewibrefi seem to suggest that this was so, but modem scholars believe that this view developed by the use of the term Vetus Rubus to imply an older settlement in Dewisland than the one in the valley of the Alun. No one, however, has been able to locate it and everything points to Vetus Rubus being the Henfynyw in Ceredigion. Matters of this kind, while interesting in themselves, are not of outstanding significance in the overall picture. The all-important matter is that St. David and his colleagues were 'campaigning' here in south-western Dyfed. The word 'campaigning' is used advisedly in this context, for the Saints from Henfynyw were not only fighting a battle for Christianity against the paganism in their midst, but were campaigning also against a real physical enemy - the Irish settlers who had taken possession of the land. Archaeologists and historians have clearly established the fact that an extensive area in south-western Dyfed reaching from south of Aberaeron, on the coast, inland to include the lower Teifi valley and western Carmarthenshirç, and most of north Pembrokeshire, was settled by Irish invaders in the fifth and sixth centuries. They were the Deisi who had come from southeastern Ireland across the sea. There is evidence for a similar Irish immigration into other parts of western Britain, clearly established by the occurrence of a very large number of farm names and place names of Irish origin. It is not only the place-name evidence that indicates the Irish immigration into south-west Wales: in the same area archaeologists have recorded a large number of Early Christian inscribed stones, usually with bilingual inscriptions in Latin and in ogham characters. The ogham indicates the use of the Old Irish language on these tombstones.

Perthynai Dewi Sam a'i ganlynwyr i draddodiad gwahanol iawn. Hannai Dewi, fel y gwelsom, o deulu Cunedda. Fe ddanfonwyd wyth mab Cunedda ac un 'yr o ffiniau deheudir yr Alban i Gymru gan y Rhufeiniaid i yrru'r ymfudwyr Gwyddelig allan o Ogledd Cymru yn arbennig. 'Roedd y gorchfygwyr hyn yn Geltiaid yn siarad tafodiaith P o’r iaith Gelteg, yn wahanol i dafodiaith Q y goresgynwyr Gwyddelig. Mae Cymraeg modern yn disgyn o'r dafodiaith P. Cyrhaeddai 'r diriogaeth a orchfygwyd gan Cunedda a'i feibion, cyn dyddiau Dewi, i lawr at ddyffryn Teifi, ond wrth ymwthio i gyfeiriad y de-orllewin yn yr ymgyrch genhadol hon fe ellir dweud bod Dewi wedi parhau goruchafiaeth Cunedda ar Gymru yn yr Oesoedd Tywyll mewn modd eglwysig, a thrwy hynny wneud Cymru oil yn Gymraeg ei hiaith. Cyflwynwyd dadl gyffelyb gan y diweddar Syr John Edward Lloyd, yr hanesydd enwog o Fangor, lawer blwyddyn yn ôl ond ni ddatblygwyd mohoni na'i harddangos ar fap ganddo. Mae'n amlwg mai Dewi oedd prif ffigwr y bywyd crefyddol yn ne a gorllewin Dyfed (a ddaeth mewn cyfnod diweddarach yn Sir Benfro a gorllewin Sir Gaerfyrddin) erbyn diwedd ei oes. Mae'r ffaith iddo orffen goruchafiaeth Cunedda yn ddiwylliannol ac yn ieithyddol drwy gyfrwng ei eglwysi yn ddadl gadarn dros gydnabod y sant a sefydlodd Dyddewi yn Nawddsant Cymru.

Dewi Sant and his followers belonged to a very different tradition. David, as we have noted, was of the family of Cunedda, whose eight sons and one grandson were sent from the southern Scottish border into Wales by the Romans towards the end of the Occupation to drive out the Irish immigrants into North Wales in particular. These Cunedda conquerors were Celtic peoples speaking the P dialect of Celtic speech as distinct from the Q dialect spoken by the Irish invaders. Modern Welsh descends from the P dialect. The territory conquered by Cunedda and his sons before David's time reached down to the valley of the Teifi, but in pushing south-westwards in this early missionary enterprise St. David may be said to have continued the Cunedda conquest of Wales in the Dark Ages in an ecclesiastical manner, thereby making all Wales Welsh in speech. A similar argument was put forward by the late Sir John Edward Lloyd, the distinguished Welsh historian in Bangor, many years ago but it was never followed up or cartographically demonstrated by him. It is clear that St. David dominated the religious scene in southern and western Dyfed (which became at a later period Pembrokeshire and western Carmarthenshire) by the end of his life. To have completed the Cunedda conquest of Wales culturally and linguistically through his churches is no mean argument for the Founder Saint of St. David's to be acclaimed the Patron Saint of Wales.

Fel yr awgrymwyd eisoes, 'roedd ymgyrch Dewi yng ngorllewin Dyfed yn llwyddo, ond nis cyfyngwyd i gynnydd crefyddol, diwylliannol ac ieithyddol yn unig, gan na ddylid anghofio bod Rawer o wrthdaro corfforol hefyd. Mae Rhigyfarch yn adrodd un enghraifft sydd, er ein bod yn derbyn y manylion gyda pheth amheuaeth, yn ymddangos er hynny yn adlais dilys o sefyllfa hanesyddol ac yn taflu goliau gwerthfawr ar y cefndir diwylliannol, cymdeithasol, a hyd yn oed milwrol, ar y pryd. Dyma amlinelliad o stori Rhigyfarch.

As already suggested, Dewi's 'campaign' in western Dyfed was proving successful, but it was by no means confined to religious, cultural and associated linguistic progress, for it must not be forgotten that there were several confrontations of a physical nature as well. Rhigyfarch narrates one example which, even if we accept the detail with some reserve, appears, nevertheless, as a genuine echo of an historical situation and highlights the cultural, social and even military conditions prevailing at the time. The outline of Rhigyfarch's story is as follows.

Ar ôl i Ddewi a’i gyfeillion gyrraedd y Vallis Rosina cyneuasant dan; fe esgynnodd y mwg a chwyrlïo o gwmpas y gymdogaeth a hyd yn oed ymhellach na hynny. Denodd hyn sylw Baia, Gwyddel yn ôl yr hanes, pennaeth lleol a derwydd. 'Roedd ei bencadlys mewn hen gaer wag o'r Oes Haearn yr oedd wedi ei meddiannu. Safai ar ochr ogleddol glyn Alun ar dir uchel gyferbyn ã'r safle yr oedd Dewi wedi ei arfaethu ar gyfer ei fynachlog. Cynhyrfir y pennaeth a'i wraig gan haerllugrwydd y tresbaswr sydd i bob golwg yn bwriadu ymsefydlu yno heb ganiatâd. Mae gwraig Baia yn ei annog i gynnull ci filwyr a gyrru’r tresmaswr ymaith. Oherwydd rhyw hud a lledrith mae'r gŵr yn cael eu trechu ac yn methu yn eu hymgyrch. Wrth ddychwelyd i wersyll Baia mae'r dynion yn darganfod yr holl wartheg a'r defaid yn gorwedd yn farw. Mae Baia'n penderfynu mynd at Ddewi a deisyf arno'n ostyngedig i drugarhau wrtho ef, ei ŵr a’i anifeiliaid. Mae Dewi yn adfywio'r gwartheg a'r defaid yn gyfnewid am gael meddiant o’r safle yn y Vallis Rosina.

After St. David's party arrived in the Vallis Rosina they lit a fire and the smoke ascended and curled around the neighbourhood and even further afield. It attracted the attention of Baia, who we are told was an Irishman, a local chieftain and a druid. His headquarters was in an unoccupied Iron Age hill-fort of which he had taken possession. It lay on the north side of the Alun valley on high ground opposite the site which David had selected for his own future monastery. The chieftain and his wife on observing the smoke are incensed at the impudence of the intruder who is apparently preparing to settle there without permission. Baja's wife urges her husband to collect his fighting men and drive the intruder away. The men appear to be mysteriously overcome and fail in their mission. On the soldiers' return to Baia's camp they find all the cattle and sheep lying dead. Baia now decides to approach David and humbly ask for mercy for himself, his men and his beasts. In return for obtaining possession of the Vallis Rosina site, David restores the cattle and sheep to life.

Er bod Baia yn barod i gyfaddawdu fel hyn, mae ci wraig yn parhau'n elyniaethus ac yn penderfynu gyrru'r newydd-ddyfodiaid ymaith ar ei phen ci hun. Mae hi'n defnyddio pob math o ddyfais i wneud hynny - gan yrru ci chaethforynion i ymdrochi’n noeth o flaen mynaich Dewi a gwneud ystumiau dengar. Mae hyn yn peri cymaint o gywilydd i'r mynaich nes iddynt ymbil ar Ddewi i ymadael â'r lie. Ond y mae yntau yn ei dro yn eu perswadio i sefyll eu tir. Mae Dewi a'r mynaich yn ymprydio drwy gydol y nos ac yna fe ddywed y Sant wrthynt. Ni sy'n aros. Baia sydd i fynd'. Ond mae gwraig Baia yn dal yn gyndyn, ac yn cymryd ci llysferch i lawr i lan yr afon ac yn ei haberthu yno i'r duwiau paganaidd. Dylem gofio fod Baia yn cael ci alw'n dderwydd yn ogystal ag yn bennaeth ac mae'r ffaith fod ci wraig yn barod i aberthu bod dynol yn rhoi lliw i'r stori. Ar ôl hyn mae gwraig Bala yn ffoi ac yn diflannu fel petai'r ddaear wedi ci llyncu. Mae Baia yn wyneb y trychineb hwn yn penderfynu difetha Dewi ond y noson honno mae goresgynnydd arail o Wyddel o'r enw Lisci (mae Lisci yn aros yn Borth Lisgi, braich o for ar arfordir deheuol penrhyn Tir Dewi) yn gwneud cyrch sydyn ar wersyll Baia ac yn tonni ci ben: cyn bo hir mae tan yn disgyn o'r nef ac yn llwyrlosgi’r gwersyll. Mae Rhigyfarch yn diweddu drwy bwysleisio: 'Gwybydded pawb ladd o'r Arglwydd Dduw Baia a'i wraig o achos Dewi' ac mae'n ychwanegu, Gan fod hid gelynion wedi ci fwrw allan gan y Duw daionus, fe adeiladodd y gymdeithas fynachaidd yn yr Arglwydd fynachlog nodedig yn y fan lie rhagfynegodd yr angel'.

While he is in this way prepared to compromise, Baia's wife remains antagonistic and is determined to drive the newcomer and his monks away on her own. She adopts all manner of devices to do so - sending her female slaves to bathe naked in front of David's monks and behave in a suggestive manner. This annoys the monks so greatly that they implore David to leave, but he, in turn, persuades them to stay and face up to the situation. David and the monks fast all night and afterwards the Saint exclaims, 'It is we who remain, Baia must go'. But Baia's wife remains obdurate, takes her step-daughter down to the riverside, and sacrifices her to the pagan gods. Here we should remember that Baja is described in the narrative as a druid, as well as a chieftain, and his wife practising human sacrifice gives colour to the story. After this. Baja's wife decamps and mysteriously disappears. Baja, in face of this disaster, is resolved to destroy David, but that very night another Irish raider Lisci (the name survives as Porth Lisgi, an inlet on the south coast of St. David's Headland) invades Baja's camp without warning and cuts off the chieftain's head, and soon fire falls from heaven and speedily burns up the whole of the camp. Rhigyfarch concludes by emphasising, 'Let no one doubt that it was the Lord, for his servant David's sake, who struck down Baja and his wife', and proceeds to add, 'The malice of enemies having thus been expelled by the good God, the monastic community in the Lord built a notable monastery in the place which the angel had foreshown'.

Mae'r hyn sy'n weddill o gaer Baia i'w weld heddiw, yn gaer nodweddiadol o Oes yr Haearn, yn hirsgwar fwy neu lai o ran ci siâp, yn clwydo ar fryn creigiog amlwg uwchlaw ffarm bresennol Clegyr Boia tua milltir i'r gorllewin o ddinas Tyddewi. Achoswyd yr allt greigiog gan dalpiau mewnwthiol o gregigiau system Gyn-gambriaidd sy'n rheoli llwyfandir y rhan hon o arfordir Dyfed. Mae'n debyg fod pedwar cnap uchel o graig, dau ar gornel de'r hirsgwar a dau hanner y ffordd ar hyd ei ochrau dwyreiniol a gorllewinol, wedi eu cyd-gysylltu i wneud amddiffynfa artiffisial (sy'n awr yn fryncyn gwair tua dwy droedfedd o uchder a phump neu chwech o led). Ni chynhyrchodd cloddio diweddar ddim ond offer Neolithig a 'does dim yn perthyn i Oes Gynnar yr Haearn nac i’r Oesoedd Tywyll - y cyfnod y perthynai Dewi iddo. Mae'r dystiolaeth a gawn o rannau eraill y Môr Celtaidd yn awgrymu mai'r hyn a ddigwyddodd yno oedd hyn: byddai i'r goresgynwyr mewnfudol feddiannu ceyrydd bychain ac amddiffynfeydd dan bum erw, fel rheol, sef rhai tebyg i Glegyr Boia, a adawyd yn wag lawer cenhedlaeth ynghynt. Ychydig o olion eu preswyl a adawyd gan y goresgynwyr gan fod ymosodiadau cyson ar y ceyrydd gweigion hyn yn yr Oesoedd Tywyll, fei yr awgryma stori Clegyr Boia.

What remains of Baia's fortress is to be seen today as a typical Iron Age hill-fort, roughly rectangular in shape, perched on a prominent rocky hill overlooking the present-day farmstead of Clegyr Boia about a mile west of St. David's city. The rocky hillside results from the projecting masses of intrusive rocks of the Pre-Cambrian system which, as we have seen, dominate the plateau surface in this part of coastal Dyfed. It would appear that four high bosses of rock, two at the southern corner of the rectangle and two about halfway along its eastern and western sides, have been linked to form an artificial defence (now a grass-grown bank about two feet high and five to six feet wide) which runs uninterruptedly on three sides of the enclosure. Modern excavations on the site have yielded only Neolithic tools and implements, and there is nothing appertaining to the Early Iron Age, or to the Dark Ages, which would be the time in which Baja and David lived. What evidence we have from other parts of the Irish Sea area suggests that what happened there was that the incoming invaders would occupy small forts and defended sites, usually under five acres in extent (as in the case of Clegyr Boia), which had been abandoned many generations before. The wandering raiders left little material evidence of their occupation, as these abandoned forts were constantly attacked in the Dark Ages as the story of Clegyr Boia seems to suggest.

Er nad yw’r dystiolaeth archaeoiegoi, felly, nac yn cadarnhau nac yn negyddu'r stori am Baia a Dewi, mae'n amlwg fod y dystiolaeth dopograffig yn ei chadarnhau - caer Baia ar war glan ogleddol afon Alun, y glyn dwfn islaw a'r mwg yn esgyn ar fachlud haul. Nid y prif nodweddion topograffig yn unig a adlewyrchir yn y stori ond y rhai llai hefyd. Yn rhyfedd iawn mae fersiwn Cymraeg ancr Llanddewibrefi yn aml yn rhoi mwy o fanylion nag a wna Rhigyfarch. Dywed am y modd yr eisteddodd Baia mewn gofid a dieter o'r bore hyd awr gosber heb fwyd, heb ddiod, mewn pant ar graig uchel yn ei gaer, wedi gweld y mwg o din y mynaich. Gallasai hyn yn hawdd cyfeirio at un o'r pedwar cnap o graig uchel a fu'n gymorth i ffurfio amddiffynfeydd artiffisial y gaer.

While the archaeological evidence, therefore, in this case, neither confirms nor negates the Baia-David story, it is obvious that the topographical evidence strongly supports the story - the Baia fort up on the high northern bank of the river Alun, the deep-set valley below with the smoke rising upwards at sunset. Indeed, it is not only the major topographical features that are reflected in the story but also the minor ones. Strangely, the anchorite's Welsh version frequently gives more detail than does Rhigyfarch. It tells how Baia, when he saw the smoke from David's settlement rising to the sky, sat in sorrow and rage from morn till vespers without either food or drink on a hollow in a high rock in his fort'. This could easily refer to one of the four bosses of high rock that we have noted that helped to form the artificial defences of the enclosure.

Wrth droi oddi wrth y stori am yr ymryson wyneb-yn-wyneb rhwng Dewi a Baia yn Nhyddewi, ni ail-wn lai na sylwi ar bwyslais cadarn Rhigyfarch fed Dewi yn benderfynol o ddal ei afael ar y safle. Fel y gwelsom, 'roedd yn gwbl ddiysgog: 'Ni sy'n aros. Baia sydd i fynd'. Ni allwn lai na chredu na fyddai Dewi, wrth edrych ar y byd o'i gwmpas yn ymwybodol o bwysigrwydd economaidd ei sefydliad bychan a'i borthladdoedd prysur lie saif Tyddewi heddiw. 'Roedd gorynys Tir Dewi, a Thyddewi yn sefyll ar y trwyn yn bentir daearyddol naturiol, 1ier oedd llwybrau’r môr yn ymgysylltu a ffyrdd pwysig y tir ar draws De Cymru. Dilynai'r briffordd for orliewinol arfordir Iwerydd gorliewin Ewrop, gan gyffwrdd a Thyddewi a mynd rhagddi ar draws Bae Ceredigion i Ogledd Cymru ac Ynys Manaw. 'Roedd y briffordd hon yn troi wrth Gulfor Gibraltar i mewn i'r Môr Canoldir, gan gyffwrdd a thiroedd Gogledd Affrica a'r Aegean ar Lefant. Hefyd, 'roedd nifer o lwybrau môr lleol yn cysylltu Tyddewi a de a de-ddwyrain Iwerddon ar y naill law ac a Chernyw a Llydaw ar y hall. Rhaid cofio hefyd hod y drafnidiaeth o amgylch arfordir Sir Benfro i mewn i ardal Môr Hafren yn bwysig iawn yn Oes y Seintiau. Mae'r llwybrau môr hyn wedi eu mapio'n ofalus gan archeolegwyr modem yn sgil darganfod gwahanol fathau o arfau, offer, a chrochenwaith yn enwedig.

In leaving the story of the confrontation between David and Baia at St. David's, we cannot but be impressed by the fact that Rhigyfarch stresses in no uncertain manner that David is determined to hold on to the site. As we have seen, he is adamant: It is we who stay: Baia must go'. It is inconceivable in light of the conditions at that time prevailing in the area that David would be unaware of the economic importance of the little settlement and its busy harbours, which existed where the city of St. David's stands today. The Dewisland peninsula, on the tip of which St. David's stands, was geographically a natural pierhead where the sea routes were in contact with important land routes across South Wales. The main western sea route followed the Atlantic coasts of western Europe and touched upon St. David's before proceeding across Cardigan Bay to North Wales and the Isle of Man. This main route branched at the Straits of Gibraltar to lead into the Mediterranean (touching North Africa and the Aegean and Levantine lands). There were several local sea-routes as well, bringing St. David's into contact with south and south-eastern Ireland, on the one hand, and with Cornwall and Brittany on the other. We must not forget either the traffic around the Pembrokeshire coast into the Bristol Channel area which was very important in the Age of the Saints. All these sea routes have been carefully mapped by modem archaeologists following finds of different kinds of weapons, implements, and especially pottery.

Ffig. III / Fig. III

Y llwybrau tir traddodiadol a arweiniai i Dyddewi oedd y rhai o ganolbarth Cymru ac arfordir gogledd Penfro; un hynafol iawn islaw’r Preseli, a'r llwybr tra phwysig ar hyd arfordir De Cymru ar draws aberoedd Llwchwr, Gwendraeth, Tywi a Thaf, i'r gogledd-orllewin tuag at Dyddewi. Ychydig sy'n aros nawr o'r porthladdoedd a fu unwaith mor llewyrchus - Porth Mawr a Phorth Glais. Er mai bychain ydynt i'n dyb ni heddiw, rhaid cofio bod eu hanes yn mynd yn ôl ymhellach na dyddiau Dewi hyd y cyfnod cynhanes. Dangosodd tystiolaeth archeolegol ymhellach fod prysurdeb ar hyd llwybrau môr gorllewin Prydain wedi cynyddu'n ddirfawr pan aflonyddwyd ar iseldir Prydain gan oresgynwyr yn ymosod ar yr hyn oedd yn weddill o'r gorffennol Rhufeinig; ac felly fe gawn Ddewi, yng nghyfnodau bore Cristnogaeth, yn codi ei fynachlog ar safle oedd yn drobwll trafnidiaeth. A barnu wrth leoliad yr eglwysi a'r capeli bychain sy'n dwyn ei enw ef ac enwau rhai o'i deulu a'i gymdeithion agosaf, mae'n ymddangos eu bod byth a hefyd ar grwydr ac yn gwneud y defnydd gorau posibl o'r cyfleusterau cyfathrebu rhagorol a oedd ar gael yn Nhyddewi. (Ffig. VI). Y mae eithriadau i’r gosodiad cyffredinol hwn, wrth gwrs, ond gellir deall hyd yn oed y rhain yng ngolau'r sefyllfa boliticaidd bryd hynny.

The traditional land routes focusing on St. David's Head were those from Mid-Wales and from the North Pembrokeshire coast; a very ancient one beneath the Preseli, and the very important route following the length of the South Wales coast across the estuary lands of the Llwchwr, the Gwendraeth, the Tywi and the Taf north-westwards towards St. David's. Little now remains of the once prosperous harbours themselves, Porth Mawr and Porth Glais. Small as they now appear to us, it must be remembered that their history reaches back beyond the days of St. David well into prehistoric times. Archaeological evidence further points to the fact that when conditions were disturbed in lowland Britain (as they were when Anglo-Saxon raiders descended on what remained of the Roman past), activity along the sea routes of western Britain rapidly increased in intensity, so that in early Christian times we find St. David placing his new monastery on the site of a veritable Piccadilly Circus'. Judging by the distribution of churches and little chapels bearing his name, and those of his family and immediate colleagues, it would appear that they were constantly on the move and making the fullest use of the admirable communications then existing at St. David's (see Fig. VI). There are, of course, some exceptions to this generalisation, but even these can be understood in light of the political situation at the time.

Ffig. 4 / Fig. 4

O ran dde-ddwyrain Iwerddon - yn union ar draws y Môr Celtaidd - ni ellid disgwyl y byddai Dewi wedi gadael argraff ddofn ar ei ôl yno, o gofio ci agwedd draddodiadol at y Gwyddelod, yn enwedig y Deisi a drigai yno ac a oedd wedi ymosod ychydig ynghynt ar dde-orllewin Cymru. Mae hanes cyfoes, a chyfeiriadau ym Muchedd Dewi yn enwedig, yn em sicrhau bod Celtiaid Cristnogol de Iwerddon yn dod at Ddewi i Fynyw yn hytrach nai fod yntau'n ymweld â nhw. Felly nid oes ond un eglwys yn ne-ddwyrain Iwerddon sy'n dwyn ei enw heddiw. Hon yw'r eglwys yn Naas yng Nghildâr y tu allan i diriogaeth y Deisi ar y pryd.

As far as the south-eastern area of Ireland was concerned -just across the Irish Channel - it is not to be expected that St. David would have left a strong impress there in view of his traditional attitude towards the Irish, and especially towards the Deisi who dwelt in these parts and had invaded south-west Wales so recently. Contemporary accounts and especially allusions in the Life of David make it certain that Celtic Christians in southern Ireland came to St. David in Menevia rather than he to them. So it is that today only one church in south-eastern Ireland bears his name. This is the church at Naas in Kildare situated outside the then territory of the Deisi.

'Roedd pethau’n wahanol ar lannau Môr Hafren. Cawn eglwysi Dewi yng Ngwlad yr Haf, Dyfnaint a Chernyw, ac i fyny ar hyd Dyffryn Hafren, hyd yn oed, a'r dyffrynnoedd sy'n ymagor iddo, i fyny at Moreton-in-the-Marsh yn Sir Gaerloyw heddiw. Mae'r eglwysi sydd wedi eu lleoli ar orynys Cernyw a Dyfnaint yn gorwedd yn agos i'r llwybrau ar draws yr orynys a gerddai Dewi a seintiau eraill o Dde Cymru ar eu ffordd i ogledd a gorllewin Llydaw. Yn y cyswllt hwn fe geir eglwysi Dewi o fewn cyrraedd i’r llwybr o Padstow i Fowey ar draws gorynys Cernyw.

Things were different in the Bristol Channel area. We find David churches in Somerset, Devon and Cornwall and spreading even up the Severn valley and its tributary valleys to Moreton-in-the-Marsh in modern Gloucestershire. The churches located at the south-western part of the peninsula in Cornwall and Devon are clearly related to the trans peninsular crossings carrying St. David and other saints from South Wales en route to northern and western Brittany. In this context St. David's churches are found in contact with the well authenticated Padstow - Fowey trans peninsular route across Cornwall.

Yn Llydaw fe geir eglwysi Dewi yng ngogledd yr orynys yn enwedig yn Léon a thu ôl i’r aberoedd niferus syn wynebu'r gorllewin yn Finisterre ac sy'n dangos unwaith eto pa mor bwysig oedd y môr. Mae'n werth cofio hefyd i ymfudwyr o orllewin Dyfed (gan gynnwys Tir Dewi) ymsefydlu yng ngogledd Llydaw. Y prif sefydliad ar yr arfordir oedd dinas St. Pol de Léon a gafodd ci henwi felly i goffáu un 0 athrawon Dewi. St. Paul Aurelian o Landdeusant. Ymgartrefodd ef yno ynghyd a saint eraill o ardaloedd gogleddol yr hen Sir Gaerfyrddin, a adawodd eu henwau hwythau yng nghefn gwlad gogledd Llydaw.

In Brittany, the David churches are found in the northern part of the peninsula, especially in Leon, and behind the many western-facing estuaries in Finesterre, thereby indicating once more the significance of the sea. It is worth remembering also that emigrants from the western parts of Dyfed (including Dewisland) also settled in northern Brittany. The chief coastal settlement was the city of St. Pol de Leon, named after one of St. Davids teachers, St. Paul Aurelian from Llanddeusant. He settled there with other Celtic Saints from the area which became north Carmarthenshire, who have also left their names in the north Breton countryside.

Mae’n amlwg felly i’r tir o gwmpas y Môr Celtaidd deheuol yn amser Dewi ymffurfion deyrnas forwrol Geltaidd Gristnogol, a’i chanolbwynt yn ddiamau oedd Tyddewi. Hyn sy'n cyfrif am bwysigrwydd amlwg y lie a'i sefydlydd. Cofiwn fod Rhigyfarch, ar ôl disgrifio Dewi'n gorchfygu Baia a'i wraig, yn mynd rhagddo i ddweud sut y bu i’r fintai sefydlu mynachlog fawr ar y safle newydd. Mae'r hanes yn swnion debyg iawn i fuddugoliaeth filwrol ac uchafbwynt gorchest ymgyrch. Cymaint oedd y pwys a roddai Rhigyfarch ar sancteiddrwydd Dewi nes iddo neilltuo naw pennod (sef naw paragraff) i ddisgrifio bywyd bob dydd yn y fynachlog. Y farn heddiw yw bod hynny’n ddisgrifiad byw a manwl gywir o'r bywyd beunyddiol mewn mynachlog Geltaidd yn y chweched ganrif ac y gellir ci ystyried yn hanes dilys.

It is clear, therefore, that in the days of St. David the lands around the southern Irish Sea Basin formed a Celtic Christian thalasocracy whose centre was unquestionably at St. David's. This accounts for its outstanding importance and that of its founder. We recall that after describing David's triumph over Baia and his wife. Rhigyfarch proceeds to depict the party establishing a large monastery on the new site. His account reads very much like a military victory and the climax of an expedition's achievement. So important does Rhigyfarch consider David's saintliness, as demonstrated in this narrative by his zeal for the monastic life, that he has devoted nine chapters (or paragraphs) to describing the day-to-day life in the monastery. Modem writers are of the opinion that this account is a vivid, intimate and authentic description of daily life in a Celtic monastery in the sixth century and can be considered as real history.

O edrych ar y darlun o safbwynt hanes, fe gofiwn fod gwreiddiau'r fynachaeth gyflawn hon yn anialwch yr Aifft lle gwelwyd, i gychwyn, dueddiadau meudwyol cryf ac unigolion yn byw o dan amodau caled mewn ogofâu a thyllau yn y ddaear, yn ymgosbi'n llym i'w gwaredu eu hunain rhag profedigaethau’r corff. Treulient eu holl amser mewn mawl, gweddi a myfyrdod. Yn ddiweddarach, gwelwyd datblygiad pellach pryd yr ymgasglai dau neu dri ac efallai fwy o unigolion gyda'i gilydd i hwyluso cyffesu pechodau a hyd yn oed ymgosbi'n gorfforol. Yn nhreigl amser fe gynyddodd y cymunedau hyn mewn maint a lledaenu dros yr anialwch i diroedd mwy tymherus. 'Roedd syniadau mynachaidd yn ddigon hysbys yn ne Ffrainc ac wedi eu haddasu ar gyfer yr amgylchiadau yno. Yr un pryd yr oedd dynion fel John Cassian a Sant Honoratus ar ynysoedd oddi ar ddelta'r Rhôn yng ngorllewin y Môr Canoldir wedi dwysáu'r ochr ddefosiynol. Y ddelwedd fynachaidd hon, wedi cymedroli peth arni, a ledodd ar hyd aberoedd gorllewin Gal i dde Iwerddon a gorllewin Prydain.

If we look at the picture historically we remember that this full monasticism had its origins in the Egyptian desert where initially strong eremitical tendencies are seen, with solitary individuals, living under harsh conditions in caves and holes in the ground, practising severe privations to allay the temptations of the flesh. They spent their whole time in praise, prayer and meditation. Later, a second stage occurred when two or three or possibly more individuals gathered together so that opportunities existed for confession of sins and even for physical chastisement. As time progressed, these communities grew in size and spread outside the desert areas into more temperate lands. Monastic ideas were well-known in southern France and were adapted to more temperate lands and conditions, while at the same time deepening the devotional side, by men such as John Cassian and St. Honoratus in the islands off the Rhône delta in the western Mediterranean. It is this monastic conception in its modified form that spread by way of the estuaries of western Gaul to southern Ireland and western Britain.

Gymaint oedd pwysigrwydd llwybrau’r môr fel yr atgyfnerthwyd y mynachlogydd hyn yn y Gorllewin gan gysylltiadau economaidd a dwyrain y Môr Canoldir a'r Lefant (gweler Ffig. V). Yn naturiol, felly, fe welir nifer o nodweddion Eifftaidd a dwyreiniol yn nisgrifiad Rhigyfarch o fywyd ym mynachlog Dewi. Pwysleisir llafur caled a llymder y bywyd mynachaidd. Mae i’r olaf islais Eifftaidd dir ond iddo gael ci addasu ar gyfer bywyd yn y Gorllewin. Roedd Dewi ei hun, ynghyd â'i fynaich, yn ymgosbi'n llym; yn mynd i'r afon yn nhrymder gaeaf hyd yn oed ac yn aros yno yn y dyfroedd ocr am gyfnodau hir. 'Roedd bywyd yn fain hefyd o ran bwyd a diod. Disgwylid i'r fynachlog ei chynnal ei hun a phawb yn rhannu ymborth syml, a'u prydau o fara, llysiau a dŵr, heb ond ychydig o amrywiaeth ar gyfer yr hen a'r afiach, pryd y darperid pysgod neu fwyd ysgafn arall. Fe adweinid Dewi ei hun y tu allan i'r fynachlog fel un o'r Aquati neu Ddyfrwyr, yn byw ar bysgod yn hytrach na chig ac yn yfed dŵr yn hytrach na gwin. 'Wrth ddynwared mynaich yr Aifft', ebe Rhigyfarch, yr oedd ci fuchedd yn debyg i'r eiddynt hwy'. Gwisgai ddillad syml i’r eithaf: crwyn anifeiliaid, ac yn y gaeaf yn unig y gwisgai grwyn blewog.

So great was the importance of the sea routes that these new monasteries in the West were reinforced by direct contacts of an economic nature with the eastern Mediterranean and the Levant (see Fig. V). Naturally, therefore, many Egyptian and eastern traits are to be found in Rhigyfarch's description of life in St. David's monastery. Emphasis is placed on hard manual labour and on the austerities of the monastic life. The latter have distinct Egyptian undertones following from an adaptation to western conditions. David himself, together with his monks, practised severe privations, entering the river even in the depth of winter and standing there for long periods in the cold water. There was austerity also regarding food and drink. The monastery at St. David's supported itself— all sharing a simple fare with meals of bread, herbs and water varied only a little for those of advanced age or in poor health, when fish or other light food would be provided. St. David himself was known outside the monastery as one of the Aquati or Watermen, drinking water rather than wine and eating fish rather than flesh, in imitating the Egyptian monks he led a life similar to theirs', says Rhigyfarch. His clothing, too, was simple in the extreme, consisting of animal skins, with furs only in winter time.

Ystyrid gwaith yn ddisgyblaeth grefyddol. Gweithiai pawb yn galed â'u dwylo a'u traed gan ddefnyddio caib a rhaw ac offer amaethu cyntefig eraill. Credai Dewi y dylai pob mynach weithio'n egnïol bob dydd, nid yn unig am fod yn rhaid i’r fynachlog fod yn hunangynhaliol ond hefyd am fod gwaith ynddo'i hun yn ddisgyblaeth 1cm.' 'Roedd gorffwys diog yn eplesu ac yn magu pechodau, a rhoddodd iau dwyfol ar ysgwyddau ci fynaich'. A gwnâi waith tebyg ci hunan. Dywedir y gallai dynnu'r aradr â'r iau ar ei ysgwyddau cystal ag unrhyw ych. Mae'n amlwg mai darlun gorllewinol yn hytrach nag un dwyreiniol yw hwn.

Work was looked upon as a religious discipline. Everyone worked hard in the fields with his hands and feet, using mattocks and spades as well as other primitive agricultural implements. David maintained that every monk should toil at daily labour not only because the monastery had to support itself, but also because work was a harsh discipline in itself. Untroubled rest was the fermenter and mother of vices - he subjected the shoulders of the monks to divine fatigues', and practised the same himself. He was said to be able to draw the plough with the yoke on his shoulders as well as any oxen - this is clearly a western rather than an eastern picture.

Ffynnai math o gomiwnyddiaeth gyntefig hefyd. Dirmygid meddiannau ac 'roedd ganddynt bopeth yn gyffredin. Ystyrid tlodi gwirfoddol yn un o'r rhinweddau Cristnogol mwyaf - pawb yn gweithio'n galed, heb fod yn berchen ar ddim.

A kind of primitive communism also prevailed. Possessions were regarded with disdain, so that everything was shared in common and voluntary poverty was regarded as one of the highest Christian virtues - everyone working hard and owning nothing.

'Roedd gan y fynachlog eglwys fechan lle'r addolai'r mynaich yn feunyddiol. Gwelid dylanwadau'r Dwyrain yn amlwg yma eto gan fod mynychu'r eglwys yn golygu gwylnosau a gweddïau a phenlinio am ryw dair awr. Wrth son am weddill y gwasanaeth eglwysig mae Rhigyfarch yn cyfeirio at lawer defod sy'n awgrymu patrymau addoli'r Oesoedd Canol, a nodweddai Eglwys Rufain yn ei gyfnod ef ci hun. Oherwydd bod Cristnogaeth Geltaidd yn ganlyniad i broses o briodi'r patrwm Rhufeinig a'r elfennau ymwthiol o'r Dwyrain, yn 01 pob tebyg, y mae'r son am y Plygain, y Cymun Bendigaid a'r gwasanaethau eglwysig eraill yn rhan o ddarlun Rhigyfarch. Nid yw'r disgrifiad o’r bywyd beunyddiol yn sôn fawr ddim am wybodaeth a dysg llyfrau, a dim o gwbl am y llythrennu ar waith celfydd a nodweddai'r mynachlogydd mawr ar draws y môr yn Iwerddon, ac yn wir fynachlog ci dad ei hun yn Llanbadarn. Y cyfan a ddywedir wrthym yw hyn. Pan ddarfyddai'r gwaith y tu allan, fe ddychwelai'r mynaich i'w celloedd a threulio'u hamser yn darllen neu’n ysgrifennu neu’n gweddïo'. Gymaint oedd y pwyslais ar waith ac addoli fel na chaniateid unrhyw ymddiddan diangen. Ceir gwrthgyferbyniad trawiadol dros ben rhwng y diffyg pwyslais ar ddysg llyfr yn Nhyddewi yn amser Dewi a'r ysgolheictod ysgrythurol a chlasurol a gysylltir â Sant Illtud a Sant Cadog yn eu mynachlogydd yn ne-ddwyrain Cymru yn y cyfnod hwnnw. Fe ellir esbonio’r gwahaniaeth, mae'n sicr, drwy ddweud bod dylanwad Rhufeinig ymerodraethol cryfach yn y de-ddwyrain o'i gymharu â dylanwad llai Rhufeinig yn y gorllewin.

The monastery possessed a little church which the monks attended daily. Eastern influences were apparent in that attendance at church consisted of watchings, prayers and genuflections lasting about three hours. For the rest of the church service Rhigyfarch mentions many items that suggest medieval patterns of worship typical of the Roman Church in his day. This is probably indicative of the fact that Celtic Christianity is, indeed, a fusion of the older Roman pattern and intrusive Eastern elements, so that Matins, the Eucharist and other church services take their place in Rhigyfarch's picture. The description of day-to-day life makes little mention of book knowledge and book learning and nothing at all of lettering or artistic work, which characterised the great Irish monasteries across the water and his own father's monastery at Llanbadarn as well. All we are told is that 'when outside labour was finished the monks returned to their cells and spent their time in reading or writing or praying'. Such was the concentration on work and worship that, at all times, no conversation beyond what was absolutely necessary was permitted. The lack of emphasis on book knowledge at St. David's in David's time stands out in marked contrast to the great learning of the Scriptures and the Classics associated with St. Illtud or St. Cadoc at their monasteries in south-eastern Wales at this time. The difference is most certainly to be explained by the stronger Roman Imperial underlay in the south-east as compared with the less Romanised character of the underlay in west Wales.

Uwchlaw pob dim, ymddengys fod Dewi mewn cysylltiad â phobi y tu allan i'r fynachlog. Mae'n sicr nad anghofiodd mynaich Tyddewi'r doniau Cristnogol o gynorthwyo’r tlawd, yr anghenus a'r amddifad. Dywedir wrthym mai un o'u gorchwylion beunyddiol oedd porthir digartref, y gweddwon, y -wan ar lwm eu byd, a phob pererin ar ei daith. Fe ymgasglai'r rhain o dan furiau'r fynachlog. Ar wahân i’r darlun o Ddewi ar grwsâd efengylu gartref neu dros y môr, credai'r Celtiaid Cristnogol y dylid cyhoeddi enw da eu harweinydd mewn gwledydd tramor, fel y gellid annog, ynghyd ã'r rhai o isel radd a'r tlodion, Brenhinoedd a Thywysogion y byd hwn i roi'r gorau i'w teyrnasoedd er mwyn coleddu bywyd mynach, fel y gwnaeth Cystennin, Brenin Gwy’r Gernyw'.

Above all else, David seems to be in contact with people outside the monastery. The monks of St. David's certainly did not forget the Christian virtues of helping the poor, the needy and the bereft. We are told that it was one of their daily functions to feed the orphans, widows, the weak and the needy, 'and all pilgrims on their travels'. All such gathered daily beneath the monastic walls. Apart from the picture of St. David on a preaching crusade at home or overseas, these Celtic Christians also strongly believed that the good name of their leader Dewi Sant should be heard abroad, so that, in addition to the lowly and the dispossessed, the Kings and Princes of this world would be encouraged to abandon their kingdoms for the monastic life as did Constantine, King of the Cornishmen'.